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CHAPTER V.
JAMES THE FOURTH.
1488—1497.
When James the Fourth appeared in arms against his father, and, in conse quence of the murder of that unfor tunate prince, ascended the throne, he was a youth in his seventeenth year.1
1 He was born March 17, 1471-2 ; and at his accession was aged sixteen years and eighty-five days. MS. Notes of the Chron ology of the reign of King James the Fourth, drawn up by the late Rev. Mr Macgregor Stirling. To this useful compilation, which is drawn almost exclusively from original documents preserved in the Register House at Edinburgh, and in other collections, I have been greatly indebted in writing the history of this reign.
That he had himself originated the rebellion, or taken a principal part in organising the army which dethroned the late king, does not appear; but that he was an unwilling, or a perfectly passive tool in the hands of the con spirators, is an assertion equally remote from the truth, although brought for ward in the pages of our popular his torians. It is, on the contrary, pretty apparent that the prince was seduced and blinded by the flattery and false views offered by the discontented barons. He was dazzled by the near
1488.J JAMES IV. 245
prospect of a throne; and his mind, which was one of great energy and ambition, co-operated, without much persuasion, in their unworthy designs. After some time, indeed, the remon strances of the few faithful adherents of his father awakened in him a vio lent fit of remorse ; but his first ac cession to the throne does not appear to have been embittered by any feel ings of this nature; and the voice of self-reproach was drowned for the time in the applauses of a flagitious but successful faction.
The leaders of this party did not lose a moment in rewarding their friends and adherents, and in distribut ing amongst themselves the offices which the rapid and total change in the administration of the government placed at their disposal. The assist ance of the powerful families of the Humes and Hepburns was remune rated by grants dated the very day after the battle of Sauchie ; the prin cipal castles were intrusted to parti sans of tried fidelity 1—the money in the royal treasury was secured and delivered into the keeping of Sir Wil liam Knollys, lord St John of Jeru salem, treasurer to the king ; and a deputation, consisting of the Bishop of Glasgow, the Earls of Angus and Ar- gyle, with the Lords Hailes and Home, repaired to the castle to examine, and place in the hands of faithful persons, the jewels, and royal plate and apparel, which belonged to the late monarch at the time of his decease. The in ventory taken upon this occasion is still preserved, and impresses us with no contemptible idea of the riches and splendour of the Scottish court.2 After the body of the king had been interred in the Abbey of Cambusken- neth,3 with all due solemnity, the court immediately proceeded to Perth, and held the ceremony of the corona tion in the Abbey of Scone.4 The or-
1 Mag. Sig. xii. 8, June 16, 1488. Ibid. xii. 7, June 17,1488.
2 See Illustrations, letter R.
3 For proof of the interment of James the Third in the Abbey of Cambuskenneth, see Mag. Sig. xiii. 251, April 6,1496.
4 Balfour states (vol. i. p. 214) that James was crowned at Kelso. Pitscottie places the coronation, equally erroneously, at Edinburgh;
ganisation of the government, and dis tribution of its various offices to per sons of tried fidelity, now took place. To the Prior of St Andrews was com mitted the keeping of the privy seal; upon the Earl of Argyle was bestowed the high office of chancellor; Hepburn, lord Hailes, was made master of the household ; the Lords Lyle and Glam- mis became justiciaries on the south and north of the Forth; Whitelaw, sub-dean of Glasgow, was chosen to fill the office of secretary to the king; and upon the Vicar of Linlithgow, an other of the now influential family of the Hepburns, was bestowed the office of clerk of the rolls and the council.5
From Scone the king proceeded to his palace of Stirling, where he took up his residence; and it seems to have been immediately resolved by the members of his council, that an embassy should proceed to England, for the purpose of conciliating the favourable disposition of that govern ment to the revolution which had lately taken place in Scotland. It was perhaps dreaded that the spectacle of a prince dethroned by his subjects, under the authority of his son, was not likely to be acceptable to the Eng lish monarch; but Henry the Seventh, with his characteristic caution, did no thing precipitately. He granted safe- conducts to the Scottish ambassadors at the request of his dear cousin, James, king of Scots ; whilst he, at the same time, took the precaution to provision and strengthen Berwick, a fortress against which, in the event of hos tilities, he knew the chief efforts of Scotland would be directed.6 The successful faction, however, in whose hands the government was now placed, were too anxious to preserve tranquil lity at home to dream at present of a war with England. To conciliate the attachment of the youthful monarch —to reward their principal partisans—
and Lesley and Buchanan are silent on the subject. The Lord High Treasurer’s books, under the date of July 14, 1488, prove it to have been at Scone. The day on which the coronation was held seems to have been the 26th of June.
5 Mag. Sig. xii. 1, June 25, 1488.
6 Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. ii. pp. 485, 486,
246 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
to arrest and disarm their enemies, and to acquire the affection of the people, by evincing an anxiety for the adminis tration of justice, were objects which afforded them full employment. James already, at this early age, began to evince that admiration for the fair sex which wrought him much distress in his after years; and an attachment which he had formed, when Duke of Rothesay, for the Lady Margaret Drummond, the beautiful and unfortunate daughter of Lord Drummond, was encouraged by the obsequious father and the nobles who filled the principal offices about court.1 Splendid shows and presents which were lavished on his mistress —theatrical entertainments got up for the solace of the youthful lovers— dances and masked balls at night, and hunting parties during the day, were artfully provided by those unscrupu lous ministers, who knew that there is no more effectual method of degrading and destroying the human character than by dissolving it in pleasure.2
Amidst such revellings, however, the lords of the council devoted them selves uninterruptedly to more serious employment. Summonses of treason were issued against the Earl of Bu- chan, the Lords Forbes and Bothwell, along with Ross of Montgrenan, the king’s advocate, whose bravery in a skirmish at the bridge of Stirling, pre vious to the battle of Sauchie, had endangered the life of the present king : these barons were commanded to abide their trial in the next parlia ment, and along with them were as sociated the Lairds of Cockpule, Amis- field, Innermeith, and Innes, with Sir Thomas Fotheringhame and Sir Alex ander Dunbar.3 At the same time,
1 Treasurer’s Books, Sept. 15, 1488 ; and Ibid. October 3. For twa elne of fransche to be hir my Lady Mergatt, a goune, v lb. Item, for three elne of black ryssillis for a goune till her, v lb. viii. sh. Item, for golde, aysure, silver, and colouris till it, and warken of it, vi lb. xvii. sh. Item, for three unce of sylkis to frenzeis till it, xiii sh. Illustrations, letter 8.
2 Treasurer's Books, Aug. 5,1488. To the players of Lythgow that playt to the king, v lb. Ibid. Aug. 20. Item, to dansaris and gysaris, xxxvi sh. Ibid. Aug. 16. Ibid. Aug. 10.
3 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 201-206.
the lords justiciars, accompanied by the king in person, held their ambula tory courts or justice-ayres at Lanark, Dundee, Ayr, and other parts of the kingdom, taking care that the mon arch should be attended by his hunts men and falconers, his fool, “ English John,” and his youthful mistress, the Lady Margaret, lest a too exclusiv attention to business should irritate or disgust the royal mind. A three years’ truce was soon after concluded with England; and on the 6th of October the first parliament of the new reign was opened at Edinburgh with great solemnity: it was numerously attended by all the three estates. For the clergy, there appeared Schevez, archbishop of St Andrews, with the prelates of Glas gow, Dunkeld, Aberdeen, Whitchurch, Dunblane, and the Isles, fourteen ab bots, four priors, and various officials, deans, archdeans, and provosts of col legiate churches : for the temporal es tate, there were present the Earl of Argyle, chancellor, along with the Earls of Angus, Huntly, Morton, Errol, Marshal, Lennox, Rothes, and Athole; the Lord Hailes, master of the house hold, Lord Lyle, high justiciar, with the Lords Hamilton, Glammis, Gray. Oliphant, Montgomery, Drummond, Maxwell, Grahame, Carlisle, Dirleton, and other noble persons, entitled either by their rank or by their offices to sit in parliament. There were present also the commissaries of the fifteen burghs. Upon the second day a com mittee of parliament, known as usual by the title of the Lords of the Articles, was nominated, consisting of nine mem bers for the clergy, fourteen for the barons, and five for the burghs; whilst a smaller judicial committee, embracing three members of each estate, was se lected for the decision of those weighty causes which were brought before par liament as a court of last appeal.
These preliminaries having been ar ranged, the more immediate business of the parliament proceeded, and the Earl of Buchan, Lord Bothwell, Ross of Montgrenan, the king’s advocate, and others who had appeared in arms at the field of Stirling, were summoned to answer upon a charge of treason.
1488.] JAMES IV. 247
Of these persons the Earl of Buchan made confession of his guilt, and sub mitted himself to the king’s mercy, a procedure which was rewarded by his pardon and restoration to the royal favour. The others were found guilty, and sentence of forfeiture pronounced against them; but in perusing the crimes laid to their charge, we must remember that the object of the op posite party, who now ruled all at court, was to throw the odium of the late rebellion on their opponents: they accused them accordingly of bringing in upon the kingdom their enemies of England; of an attempt to reduce under subjection and homage to that country the independent crown of Scotland; and of having advised their late sovereign, James the Third, to infringe repeatedly the stipulations which he had entered into with the nobles who were in arms against him.1 There can be little doubt that if any party in the state were truly guilty of such crimes, it was rather that of the youthful king than those who had ad hered to his father, but the treason of the prince’s party had been crowned with success, and they were now all- powerful. Although Buchan there fore was pardoned upon his submis sion, Lord Bothwell was forfeited, and his lands and lordship erected into an earldom, and bestowed upon Lord Hailes, the master of the household; whilst the lands of Ross of Montgrenan, who at the same time was found guilty of treason, were conferred on Patrick Hume of Fast castle, for his services in the late disturbances. It was deter mined also that an embassy should be despatched to France, Spain, and Brit tany, for the purpose not only of con firming amicable relations between Scotland and these powers, but with a special commission to search for a wife to the king, taking care that she be “ a noble princess born, and descended from some worshipful house of ancient honour and dignity.” The embassy was directed to consist of a bishop, an earl, a lord of parliament, a clerk, and a knight, with a retinue of fifty horse,
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 210.
and for the payment of their expenses, a tax of five thousand pounds was to be levied throughout the kingdom, two thousand to be contributed by the clergy, two thousand by the ba rons, and one thousand by the burghs ; whilst at the same time it was special ly directed that the contribution of the barons was to be paid by them and the free tenants, and not by the common people.
A remarkable enactment followed. In consequence of the high displeasure conceived by the sovereign against all who by their appearance in the field at Stirling were regarded as the chief promoters of the slaughter of his late father, it was directed that such of the rebels as were in possession of heredi tary offices should be deprived of them for the period of three years. A determined effort was next made for the putting down of theft, robbery, and murder, crimes which at this mo ment were grievously prevalent, by dividing the kingdom into certain dis tricts, over which were placed various earls and barons, to whom full author ity was intrusted, and who promised on oath that they would to their ut most power exert themselves in the detection and punishment of all of fenders. The Merse, Lothian, Linlith- gow, and Lauderdale were committed to the care of Lord Hailes and Alex ander Hume, the chamberlain, and Kirkcudbright and Wigtown also to Lord Hailes; Roxburgh, Peebles, Sel kirk, and Lanark were intrusted to the Earl of Angus; whilst the same powerful baron, along with Lord Max well, undertook the charge of Dum fries. The districts of Carrick, Ayr, Kyle, and Cunningham were commit ted to Lord Kennedy, the Sheriff of Ayr, the Laird of Craigie, and Lord Montgomery; Renfrew, with Dum barton, the Lennox, Bute, and Arran, to the Earl of Lennox, Lord Lyle, and Matthew Stewart; Stirlingshire to the Sheriff of Stirlingshire and James Shaw of Sauchie; Menteith and Strait- gartney to Archibald Edmonston; Ar- gyle, Lorn, Kentire, and Cowal to the chancellor, assisted by his son, the Master of Argyle; Glenurquhart, Glen-
248 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
lyon, and Glenfalloch to Neil Stewart, with Duncan and Ewen Campbell; Athole, Strathern, and Dunblane to the Earl of Athole, Lord Drummond, and Robertson of Strowan; the low country of Perthshire, and the district of Dunkeld, to Lord Oliphant; Angus, both in its highland and lowland dis trict, to Lords Gray and Glammis, with the Master of Crawford; the sheriffdom of Fife to Lord Lindsay and the sheriff of the county ; the Mearns to the Earl Marshal; and the extensive district reaching from the hilly range called the Mounth, north ward to Inverness, to the Earls of Huntly and Errol, and the Laird of Inverugie.1
The parliament next directed their attention to the investigation of the causes of the late rebellion. From such interested judges, however, it would be vain to look for an impartial examination of this momentous ques tion, and we accordingly find that the whole blame was thrown upon the late king and his iniquitous advisers, for so his ministers were denominated. The object of the conspirators was, of course, to deceive the people and the portion of the nobility and middle classes not immediately connected with the rebellion, and to insure safety to themselves under any subsequent re volution, by enabling them to plead a parliamentary pardon. It is not, there fore, matter of surprise that the opin ion of parliament should be couched in strong terms. It declared that the whole matter having been examined by the three estates, they were unani mously of opinion, each man for him self, and under his loyalty and allegi ance, that the slaughter committed in the field of Stirling, where the king’s father happened to be slain, with others of his barons, was wholly to be ascribed to the offences, falsehood, and fraud practised by him and his per verse counsellors previous to this fatal conflict. The acquittal of the young king and his advisers was equally broad and energetic; and con sidering who it was that composed the
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol, ii. p. 208,
act, it is difficult to peruse it without a smile. It observed, “ that our sove reign lord that now is, and the true lords and barons who were with him in the same field, were innocent, quit, and free of the said slaughters, battle, and pursuit, and had no blame in fo menting or exciting them ;" and it recommended that a part of the three estates, now assembled, selected from the bishops, great barons, and bur gesses, should affix their seals to this declaration, along with the great seal of the kingdom, to be exhibited to the Pope, the Kings of France, Spain, Denmark, and such other realms as were judged expedient by the parlia ment.2 In addition to these measures adopted for their own security, the party who now ruled the government commanded that all goods and mov ables belonging to “ the poor unlanded folk,” which had been seized during the troubles, should be restored ; that all houses, castles, and lands, which had been plundered and occupied by the lords of the “ one opinion " or of the other, should be again delivered to their proprietors; and that the heirs of those barons and gentlemen who died in arms against the king in the battle of Stirling, should be per mitted to succeed to their hereditary estates and honours, notwithstanding the legal impediment arising out of their having been slain when in a state of rebellion.
The remaining provisions of this parliament related to the administra tion of justice, the commerce and the coinage of the realm, and the rewards and offices bestowed upon those who had figured in the late rebellion. It was directed that the king should ride in person to the various justice-ayres, and that his high justiciar should accompany him. Crichton of Ruth- ven was appointed warden of the mint, with injunctions to examine and assay the fineness of the gold and silver; and a singular provision was added, relative to the importation of bullion into the country. The mer chants were commanded to bring in a
2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol.
ii, p. 207,
1488-9.] JAMES IV. 249
certain bulk of pure bullion, called in the act burnt silver, in proportion to the description and quantity of the goods which they exported.1 It was next ordered that the castle of Dun- bar should be entirely dismantled and destroyed, on account of the damage which it had already occasioned to the kingdom, and the likelihood of greater injury, in the event of its falling into the hands of the enemies of the go vernment. The command of Edin burgh castle, with the custody of the Lord James, duke of Ross, the king’s brother, whose education had hitherto been conducted in his tender years by Shaw, the abbot of Paisley, was in trusted to Lord Hailes, master of the household; and another powerful Bor der baron, Alexander Hume of Hume, was rewarded for his services by the office of high chamberlain.2 In the same parliament the penalties of treason were denounced against the purchasers of presentations to bene fices at the court of Rome, whether clergy or seculars, by which great damage was occasioned to the realm, and the proceedings were closed by a declaration that all grants signed by the late king, since the 2d of Feb ruary 1487, the day upon which the prince, now king, took the field in arms against his father, were revoked, because made for the assistance of that treasonable faction which had been enemies to the realm, and had occasioned the death of the king’s father.3 Such is a view of the princi pal proceedings of four successive par liaments, the first of which, as already noticed, met on the 6th of October 1488, and the last on the 3d of Feb ruary 1489.
But although the proceedings of the faction which had deposed and slain the king were vigorously con-
1 Thus for every serplaith of wool, for every last of salmon, for every four hundredth of cloth, four ounces of bullion were to be brought in, for which, on its delivery to the warden of the mint, the importer was to be paid at the rate of twelve shillings an ounce.
2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 211. Mag. Sig. xii. 52. October 13, 1488.
3 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii, pp. 211, 223,
ducted, and their measures for the security of their own power and the destruction of their opponents pushed forward with feverish haste and an xiety, it was soon demonstrated that they were ineffectual. The Earl of Lennox and Lord Lyle, disappointed probably with the division of the plunder, broke into revolt. Lyle oc cupied the strong fortress of Dumbar ton, and held it out against the king ; whilst Lennox and Matthew Stewart raised their vassals, garrisoned their castles and strongholds, and communi cating with the northern counties, where attachment to the government of the late monarch seems to have been stronger than around the court, succeeded in organising a serious in surrection. In the murder of James the Third they possessed a subject for powerful appeal to the feelings of the nation, of which they were not slow to avail themselves. Lord Forbes marched through the country with the king’s bloody shirt displayed upon the end of a spear, and this ghastly banner excited multitudes to join the insurrection. It was affirmed, and apparently on good grounds, that those who had cruelly murdered the father, now completely overruled the son, abusing his youthful facility of temper, and intruding into the highest offices of the state. Lord Drummond, whose daughter was mistress to the young monarch, presuming upon this circum stance, insulted the authority of the laws, and with his sons and kinsmen committed open spoliation in the coun try ;4 whilst Hepburn of Hailes, whom we have seen, in the former reign, in the rank of a minor baron, and whose conduct was then marked only by lawlessness and ferocity, suddenly rose into a state of power and consequence, which left the oldest nobility in the background. Within less than a year he had been created Earl of Bothwell, promoted to the office of lord high admiral, intrusted with the command of the castles of Edinburgh, Loch- maben, and Treiff, with the custody of the king’s brother, the Duke of
4 Acta Dominorum Concilii, Oct. 22, 1488, Ibid, Nov. 3,
250 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
Ross, and the wardenship of the west ern and middle marches.
But although liable to the charge of partiality and favouritism, the govern ment of the young monarch partook of that energy which, in a greater or lesser degree, is always elicited by a revolution. Unlike his predecessors in their jealousy of the power of the nobles, James seems, on the contrary, to have early adopted the opinion, that the monarch was singly far too weak either to abridge the authority of his barons, or to rule the kingdom without their cordial co-operation. In the fate of his father he had before his eyes a terrible example of aristo cratic vengeance; and aware that the same remorseless hands which had placed the crown upon his head, might, if provoked or injured, be the first to remove it in favour of a more obse quious prince, he determined to secure the stability of his throne by cultivat ing the affectionate attachment of his nobility. Amongst them were many men of great intellectual vigour and military talent. Drummond, the Earl of Bothwell, Hume, the high chamber lain, Argyle, the chancellor, and White- law, subdean of Glasgow, the secre tary, were all able assistants ; and the character of the king himself, who was not only generous, openhearted, and liberal almost to profusion, but who possessed fair abilities along with great activity and courage, was well fitted to secure their friendship and com mand their respect.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the united strength of the throne and the nobles was too powerful for the rash attempt of Lennox. At the head of a force rapidly raised for the occa sion, and accompanied by his chief officers of state, the king laid siege to his castles of Duchal and Crookston, which had been occupied by the rebels; whilst he sent Argyle, the chan cellor, to assault Dumbarton, which was then held by Lord Lyle and Len- nox’s eldest son, Matthew Stewart.1 Proclamation was also made, offering a reward of forty pounds’ worth of
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 223.
land, or one thousand marks of silver, for the apprehension of these barons; and so vigorously did the young mon arch proceed in his bombardment of Crookston and Duchal,2 that he made himself master of both places within a short period. He then marched to wards Dumbarton, where the rebels, having been joined by Lord Forbes, the Earl Marshal, Lord Crichton, and the Master of Huntly, only awaited the arrival of Lennox, before they made a united and desperate effort for the destruction of that faction, which, as they alleged, had enslaved the king, and risen on the ruins of the estab lished government. They were not destined, however, to be successful. On his descent from the Highlands into the low country, Lennox’s first intention was to pass the bridge at Stirling. Receiving information, how ever, that his enemies had occupied the town, and rendered this imprac ticable, he resolved to cross the Forth at a ford not far from the source of the river, and for this purpose en camped in a level plain called Talla Moss, about sixteen miles from Stir ling. His force was principally com posed of Highlanders; and one of these mountaineers, named Macalpin, de serting the camp, brought intelligence to the king and Lord Drummond at Dunblane, that it would be easy to destroy Lennox by a night attack, his army being so secure and careless, that they used no precautions against a surprise. This enterprise was no sooner suggested than it was carried into effect. In the middle of a dark October night, Drummond and the young monarch, at the head of a force hastily raised, and chiefly composed of the royal household, broke in upon the intrenchments of Lennox, and slew, dispersed, or made prisoners his whole army, pursuing the fugitives as far as Gartalunane, on the opposite side of the river. This success was immediately followed by the surrender
2 The siege of Duchal seems to have taken place in the end of July 1489. Mag. Sig. xii, 132. July 28, 1489. There were still some remains of this ancient castle in 1792. Stat. Account, vol. iv. p. 278.
1489-90.] JAMES IV. 251
of Dumbarton, and the complete sup pression of the conspiracy; after which the sovereign and his ministers appear to have acted with a judicious clem ency, which had the effect of quieting the kingdom; Lennox, Huntly, Mar shal, Lyle, and Forbes being not only pardoned, but soon after restored to the royal favour.
The necessary consequence of this abortive attempt at insurrection, was to give additional strength to the government; and a brilliant naval ac tion which took place about the same time, increased its popularity. Under the former reign, Sir Andrew Wood, a naval officer of high talent and ex perience, had distinguished himself by his successes against the English, but his attachment to his old master, James the Third, of whom he was a favourite, prevented him from giving in his immediate adherence to the go vernment of his son. He was soon reconciled, however, to the young monarch, who early evinced an en lightened desire to encourage the ma ritime strength of the country by applying himself personally to the study of shipbuilding and naval tac tics ; and about the time of Lennox’s defeat, Wood commanded a small squadron in the Forth, which had been successful in its cruises against the English pirates who then infested the narrow seas.1 Unauthorised by their own government, these audacious adventurers committed great depreda tions, plundering the Scottish mer chantmen and fishing-craft, making descents upon the coast towns, and carrying off their riches and their in habitants. At this time a fleet of five pirate ships had entered the Clyde, and after committing their usual ha voc, greatly incensed the young mon arch by giving chase to a vessel which was his own property.2 James earn-
1 That the exploits of Sir Andrew Wood were performed against pirates is proved by a charter dated May 18, 1491. Mag. Sig. xii. 304. Illustrations, letter T.
2 Treasurers Books. Feb. 18, 1489. Item, after the kingis schip wes chaysit in Dun bertane be the Inglismen, and tynt hit ca- billis and oder graytht sent with Johne of Haw. xviii lib,
estly represented the matter to Wood, and required his assistance in repelling so unjustifiable an attack, committed at a period of profound peace, when a three years’ truce existed between the two countries. Nor, whatever might be his opinion regarding the persons who managed the government, could this brave officer resist the appeal of his sovereign. With only two ships, the Flower and the Fellow Carvel, he attacked the English squadron; and. notwithstanding his inferiority in force, after an obstinate action, the five pi ratic vessels were captured and carried into Leith.3 If we are to believe the Scottish historians, the King of Eng land, although in the time of truce he could not openly attempt retaliation, or give his countenance to hostilities, took care to let it be understood that nothing would be more grateful to him than the defeat of Wood; and Stephen Bull, an enterprising mer chant and seaman of London,4 having fitted out three stout vessels, manned by picked mariners, a body of cross- bows, and pikemen, and various knights who volunteered their services, pro ceeded with much confidence of suc cess against the Scottish commander. Bull, who had intelligence that Wood had sailed for Flanders, and was soon expected on his voyage homeward, directed his course to the May, a small island in the mouth of the Firth of Forth, about an equal distance from the opposite shores of Fife and Lothian, behind which he cast anchor, and, concealed from any vessels entering the Forth, awaited the expected prize.
3 It is probable that this first action of Sir Andrew Wood took place some time after the 18th of February 1489.
4 I find in the valuable historical collec tions, entitled “Excerpta Historica,” edited by Sir Harris Nicolas, No. I. p. 118, the following entry in the privy purse expenses of Henry the Seventh :—“ To Steven Bull and Barnesfeld, seeking for Perkin, for their costs, £1, 6s. 8d.” Perkin Warbeck, at this time, (1498,) had eluded his keepers, and fled to the sea-coast; and Henry, afraid of his making his escape from the kingdom, em ployed Bull, probably his most active sea- captain, to watch the coast and recapture him. This is corroborated by the next entry : —“ To four yeomen watching one night with four botes, 6s. 8d,”
252 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
It was not long before two vessels ap peared in the looked-for course off St Abb’s Head, a promontory on the coast of Berwickshire; and the English cap tain, who had seized some Scottish fish ing-boats with their crews, sent the prisoners aloft to watch their approach, and report whether it was Wood. On their answering in the affirmative, Bull cleared his ships for action, and the Scottish admiral, who sailed fear lessly onward and little dreamt of inter ruption, found himself suddenly in the presence of the enemy. He had time, however, for the necessary orders ; and such was the excellent discipline of his ships, and rapidity of his prepara tions, that the common mischiefs of a surprise were prevented, and his gun ners, pikemen, crossbows, and fire- casters stood ready at their several stations, when he bore down upon the English. All this had taken place in the early dawn of a summer morning; and whilst Wood skilfully gained the windward of his opponents, the sun rose, and shining full upon them, exhibited their large size and splendid equipment to the best advantage. Bull instantly opened his cannonade, with the object of deciding the action whilst the Scots were still at some distance; but, from the inferior di mensions of their ships, the shot passed over them and took little effect; whilst their opponent hoisted all his canvas, and ran close in upon the English, casting out his grappling hooks, and even lashing the enemy’s ships by cables to his own. A close and dreadful combat succeeded, in which both parties fought with equal spirit, so that night parted the com batants, and found the action unde cided. In the morning the trumpets sounded, and the fight was renewed with such determined bravery, that the mariners, occupied wholly with the battle, took little heed to the management of their vessels, and per mitted themselves to be drifted, by a strong ebb-tide, into the mouth of the Tay. Crowds of men, women, and children now flocked to the shore, exhibiting, by their cries and gesticu lations, the interest they took in their
countrymen ; and at last, though with great difficulty, the valour and supe rior seamanship of Wood prevailed over his brave opponent. The three English ships were captured and car ried into Dundee, whilst Bull, their commander, was presented by Wood to his master, King James, who re ceived him with much courtesy, and after remonstrating against the injuries inflicted by the English privateers upon the Scottish shipping, dismissed him without ransom, and gave the prisoners their liberty. It is said, however, that he at the same time warned Henry that this liberal con duct could not be repeated ; and that he trusted the lesson given to his cap tains would convince him that the Scots possessed the power of defend ing their commerce, which they would not scruple to exert on every occasion where the liberties of their merchant men were invaded. To Wood, the king, with the ardour and enthusiasm for warlike renown which distin guished his character, extended his special favour. When the seaman was not engaged in his naval or commercial duties, for the two professions of a mer chant and a sailor were then strictly connected, he retained him at court- kept him much about his person—re warded him by grants of lands, and under his instructions devoted much of his attention to the improvement of the naval strength of his dominions.
Soon after this an extraordinary conspiracy against the Scottish mo narch was fostered at the English court, of which James and his minis ters appear at the moment to have had no suspicion. Ramsay, lord Both- well, the favourite of James the Third, who, after the accession of his son, had escaped to England along with the Earl of Buchan, so lately the subject of the royal clemency, and a person designing himself “ Sir Thomas Tod, of the realm of Scotland,” entered into an agreement with Henry the Seventh, that they would seize and deliver the King of Scots, and his brother, the Duke of Ross, into the hands of the English monarch. To assist them in this treasonable enterprise, Henry ad
1490-1.] JAMES IV. 253
vanced the loan of two hundred and sixty-six pounds, which, as he carefully stipulated, was to be restored to him by a certain day, and for the fulfil ment of this agreement Tod delivered his son as a hostage.1 It is affirmed in the obligation drawn up at Green wich, unfortunately the only public paper which throws light upon this dark transaction, that besides Buchan, Bothwell, and Tod, various other per sons were involved in the conspiracy. Their names certainly appeared in the original “indentures,” but these are now lost; and such seems to have been the secrecy which covered the whole transaction, that at the moment when the English king was engaged in bribing James’s subjects to lay vio lent hands upon his person, the Scot tish monarch had despatched the Arch bishop of St Andrews on an embassy to England, and a meeting was ap pointed between his commissioners and those of Henry, to make an ami cable arrangement regarding the mu tual infractions of the truces upon the Borders, and the prolongation of the pacific intercourse between the two kingdoms.2
Soon after this the parliament as sembled at Edinburgh, and various important measures were carried into effect regarding the foreign alliances of the country, and the internal ad ministration of the government. The Earl of Huntly was appointed king’s lieutenant north of the water of Esk, till the sovereign, who was now in his twentieth year, had reached the age of twenty-five. It was resolved that Hepburn, earl of Bothwell, and the Bishop of Glasgow should be sent on an embassy to France for the purpose of renewing the alliance with that kingdom, and confirming the commer cial privileges mutually enjoyed by the French and the Scottish mer chants; after which the ambassadors were to proceed to the court of Spain, or other parts, to seek a bride for the young king. An embassy was also despatched to the court of Denmark,
1 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xii. p. 440. April 18,1491. 2 Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 497.
with the object of renewing the ami cable commercial relations which al ready subsisted between Scotland and that country; some wise but ineffec tual measures were attempted for the restoration of peace and good order, by the punishment of those who com mitted slaughter or rapine, and were guilty of dismembering the king’s lieges; enactments were renewed against the old grievance of leagues or bands amongst the nobles and their feudal tenantry; and the chancellor, with certain lords of council, or in their absence the lords of session, were commanded to sit for the admi nistration of justice thrice every year. Attention was also paid to the interests of the burghs. It was ordained “ that the common good, meaning the profits and revenues of all the royal burghs within the realm, should be so regu lated as to promote the prosperity of the town, by being spent according to the advice of the council of the burgh upon things necessary for its security and increase, whilst the burgh rents, such as lands, fishings, mills, and farms, were not to be disposed of ex cept upon a three years’ lease.” At the same time, all sheriffs, bailies, and provosts of burghs were commanded to take copies of the acts and statutes now passed, which were to be openly proclaimed within the bounds of their office.3
Some of the consequences which might easily have been anticipated from the conspiracy which had placed the young monarch upon the throne began now to take place in Scotland. James, as he increased in years and understanding, became convinced that he had been made the tool of an art ful and selfish faction, whose principal object was private plunder, the pre servation of their own overgrown power, and the diminution of the au thority of the crown. By degrees he called around him, and restored to places of trust and authority, the counsellors of his late father, whom he attached to his interests by the re morse which he expressed for his crime,
3 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 227.
254 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
and the warmth, openness, and gene rosity of his disposition. Amongst these advisers were some able- indivi duals. Andrew Wood of Large, whom we have so lately seen victor over the English fleet, and whose genius for naval adventure was combined with a powerful intellect in civil affairs, rose gradually to be one of the most intimate and confidential servants of the king, and appears to have been often consulted, especially in all his financial concerns. Wood combined in his character various qualities, which to our modern judgment ap pear strange and inconsistent. He was an enterprising and opulent mer chant, a brave warrior and skilful naval commander, an able financier, intimately acquainted with the man agement of commercial transactions, and a stalwart feudal baron, who, without abating anything of his pride and his prerogative, refused not to adopt in the management of his estates some of those improvements whose good effects he had observed in his voyages and travels over various parts of the continent. The advice of such a counsellor was of great value to the young monarch, and as Wood was remarkable for his affectionate attachment to the late king, and for the bold and manly tone in which he had reprobated the rebellion against him, it was not wonderful that his influence over the present sovereign should be exhibited in a decided change in the principles upon which the gov ernment was conducted. The leading lords who had instigated the revolt were treated with coldness, suspicion, and, at last, open severity. The Earl of Angus, from his great estates and connexions one of the most powerful nobles in Scotland, resented this by passing into England, where he con cluded with Henry the Seventh a secret and treasonable treaty, of which unfortunately little but the existence is known.1 On his return, however, he was met by the lion herald, who 1 Ayloffe’s Calendars of Ancient Charters, p. 313. A fragment of these “Articles” is preserved amongst Rymer’s unpublished col lections, now in the British Museum. Henry VII. vol. i. p. 126.
charged him in the king’s name to enter his person in ward in his fortress of Tantallon; 2 and soon after James deprived him of his lands and lordship of Liddesdale, with the strong castle of Hermitage, which, as the price of his pardon, he was compelled to resign to the Earl of Bothwell, admiral of Scotland, and warden of the west and middle marches.3 A reward was offered at the same time to any person who should discover the murderers of the late king, but as it was well known that if this expression had been under stood to include the authors of the conspiracy, the search could not have been a protracted one, the cautious proviso was added, that the sum was only to be given in the event of the informant making it certain who were the persons who slew the king “ with their own hands,” an expression thrice repeated in the body of the statute, and from which it may per haps be fairly inferred that whilst the actual butcher of the unhappy prince was unknown, the “heavy murmurs” and voice of the people pointed out some potent individuals with whom it was certain that he was connected. It does not appear, however, that the hundred marks’ worth of land in fee and heritage—the reward held out—- was ever claimed by any one ; and to this day the hand by which the king- was so foully slain is unknown.
Another proof of the change of coun cils, and of the determination of the sovereign to withdraw his confidence from those who had possessed them selves of the supreme power imme- diately after the battle of Sauchie, is to be found in a complaint which was now made regarding the disappearance of the royal jewels and treasure. We have already seen4 that these, a few days after the death of the late king, were taken possession of by the Bishop of Glasgow, along with the Earls of Angus and Argyle, with the intention of being placed in the hands of faithful persons, who were to be responsible for their safe custody. It was now
2 Treasurers MS. Accompts, July 29,1491.
3 Mag. Sig. xii. 323, 344. March 6, 1491. 4 Supra, p. 245.
1491-3.] JAMES IV. 255
discovered, however, that a very small part of this treasure had reached the coffers of the king; a strict inquiry was ordered to be instituted for the detection of those who had stolen or concealed it; and they to whom it had been first intrusted were directed to be examined before the king’s council, so that it might be discovered how they had parted with the treasure— into what hands it had been delivered —and what was its exact amount.1 Whether such measures were followed by the desired success, seems more than problematical.
But although all this very decidedly demonstrated a change in the prin ciples upon which the government was conducted, the party which headed the late rebellion were still too strong, and the young king had identified himself too deeply with their proceedings, to render it advisable to commence a more serious or direct attack; and with regard to the foreign relations of the country, the preservation of peace with England, and the maintenance of a friendly intercourse with the courts of France, Spain, Denmark, and the Netherlands, were wisely insisted on by the counsellors of the young mo narch as absolutely necessary for the wellbeing of his kingdom. Yet, se cured as it was by repeated truces, and strengthened by negotiations and proposals of marriage for the young monarch with some princess of the blood-royal, the good understanding with England could neither be cordial nor sincere. The treasonable inter course which some of the most power ful of James’s subjects carried on with Henry the Seventh, and the audacious designs of seizing the king’s person, which this monarch encouraged, if they transpired even partially, must have disgusted an ardent and impetu ous spirit, such as James, with the crafty and dishonourable politics of the English king; and as it is certain that, as this period, in Scotland, the system of employing paid spies became prevalent, it may be conjectured that the king was not wholly ignorant of
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 230.
the plots in agitation against him. It was his secret desire, therefore, al though not yet his declared resolution, to break with England, and the causes of the war which, in a few years, was kindled between the two countries, may be traced, with great probability, to this period; but in the meantime the appearance of peace was preserved, and James assiduously devoted him self to the preservation of good order throughout his dominions, and the dis tribution of strict and impartial jus tice to all classes of his subjects.
In a parliament held at Edinburgh in the summer of the year 1493, some important laws were passed, which evinced the jealousy of the king re garding any interference with his eccle siastical privileges in the disposal of church benefices, and his determina tion to resist all unreasonable encroach ments upon the part of the court of Rome. Eight months were to be allowed, after the occurrence of a va cancy in any see, for the king’s letter, appointing a successor, to reach the Pope; no interim promotion was to be allowed; and any of the lieges who were detected lending themselves or their interest to oppose these regula tions, were declared guilty of treason, No legate was to be permitted to enter the realm, unless he was a cardinal or a native of Scotland; and the Arch bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, who had been for some time engaged in a violent litigation, which had been carried on before the Papal court, and the expense of which plea had been attended, it is declared, with “ inesti mable damage to the realm,” were ex horted to cease from their contention before a foreign ecclesiastical tribunal, submitting to the decision of the king; under the serious denunciation, that if they demur to this proposal, their tenants and “ mailers “ shall be inter dicted from paying to them their rents till they have repented of their contu macy.2 The king’s orators and ambas sadors who were sent to Italy received directions to exhort and entreat all his subjects, whether of the clergy or lay-
2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 232.
256 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
men, who had pleas depending in the Roman Court, to withdraw their liti gation, and to return, like dutiful sub jects, to their own country, bringing with them their bulls, writs, and other muniments, after which the monarch undertook that justice should be ad ministered to them by their ordinary judge within whose jurisdiction the cause lay, and over whose conduct, in delivering an impartial decision, he engaged to have a strict superintend ence. As the king had now attained majority, and his counsellors were anxious that the wild and capricious passions in which his youth had hitherto been passed should, if pos sible, be restrained by a legitimate union, the proposal was renewed of sending an embassy abroad to treat in France, or in any other realm where it might be judged expedient, of the king’s marriage; and in addition to the tax already agreed to by the clergy, barons, and commissaries of the burghs for this purpose, the three estates con sented to give a thousand pounds ad ditional, “ for the honourable hame- bringing of a queen.”
Some enactments were also passed at this time, which evinced a faint dawning of a more liberal spirit of commercial legislation than had yet appeared in parliament. The deacons, and head craftsmen of particular trades, were in the custom of “ imposing a taxation penny upon men of the same craft coming to market on the Mon days,” by which it necessarily followed that the prices demanded for the ar ticles were higher than those at which they had afforded to sell them previ ous to such an imposition. The tax was therefore commanded to be dis continued, so that the craftsmen, with out interference upon the part of the deacons of the burghs, might be at liberty to sell their commodities at the usual prices. The parliament, how ever, proceeded too far, when they abo lished, for a year to come, the office of deacons of men of craft in burghs, re stricting their authority to the simple examination of the sufficiency and fine ness of the work executed by the arti sans of the same trade. It had been
found, it was declared, that the autho rity of these officers, and the by-laws which they enacted, were the cause of great trouble in the burghs, in leading to convocations and “ rysing “ of the king’s lieges, in increasing the prices of labour, and encouraging those com binations for the purpose of compelling a consent to their unreasonable de mands, from which we have sometimes seen such injurious effects in our own days. It was declared, accordingly, that all “ makers and users of these statutes were to be prosecuted as op pressors of the king’s lieges.” Another grievance was removed, which bore heavily upon the agricultural pros perity of the country. Hitherto the flour brought to the various markets throughout the kingdom, or to the port of Leith, had been subjected to the payment of a certain tax or “ mul ture,” in addition to the local tax for grinding, which, by the feudal law, it was bound to pay to the barony mill where it had been ground. This se vere double duty was now removed; and it was declared that for the future all flour should be permitted to be brought to market, and sold without payment of any new taxation, and that all manner of persons should be free to bring and sell their victual through out the land, all the days of the week, as well as on the market-days.1
An act followed, which evinced in the legislature an awakening interest in the fishery,—a branch of national wealth from which, under proper cul tivation, the richest fruits might be expected, but which had hitherto been unwisely neglected. It was enacted that, “ considering the great and innumerable riches “ that is lost for want of ships and boats, with their appropriate nets and tackling, which are found in all other realms commanding a great extent of sea- coast, the parliament judged it proper that ships and “ buschis,” or fishing- boats, should be built in all burghs and fishing-towns within the realm, so that they might be ready to pro ceed to the fishery before Fastren’s
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 234.
1493-4.] JAMES IV. 257
Even following. These boats were directed to be of twenty tons, and the burghs and sea-coast towns were to be obliged to build and rig them out, according to their substance, with all conveniences for the taking of large and small fish. The officers in the burghs and regalities were ordered at the same time to apprehend and press on board these vessels all “ stark idle men,” under pain of their being ban ished in case of refusal.
Whilst the parliament was thus se vere upon the idle and the dissolute who refused to submit to all regular labour, it is pleasing to discern a glimpse of. sympathy for the un merited suffering and hard condition of the great body of the lower orders of the people. In a former statute a severe fine had been imposed upon all persons who were detected setting fire to the heather or gorse in which the birds of game had their nests,—a practice often absolutely necessary for the success of any attempt at agricul tural improvement, but encroaching upon that feudal mania for hunting and hawking which, since the period of the Norman Conquest, had infected the nobles of Britain, and grievously abridged the rights and liberties of the subject. It was now discovered that the persons detected in “ mure burning “ were not the real offenders. “ It was found,'’ to use the expressive words of the statute, “ that the poor bodies that dwelt in ’ malings,’ or upon small divisions of land rented to them by their landlords, in setting fire to the gorse, were simply obeying the bidding of their masters; “ and in consequence of this the fine was hence forth directed to be levied, not on this large and meritorious class, but upon the proprietors of the “ maling “ which they laboured.1
Some regulations regarding the coinage and importation of bullion, and an enactment by which the high and disproportionate prices which were charged by craftsmen and vic tuallers were ordered to be reduced to a more equitable standard, termi-
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 235.
VOL. II,
nated the resolutions of the three estates in this parliament.2
Hitherto there is reason to believe that the great majority of the barons were deplorably ignorant, and careless of all liberal education. A better spirit, however, now appeared; and the invention of printing, with the revival of classical learning, causes which had long been operating the happiest effects in the continental na tions, began, from their frequent com- munication with Scotland, to be per ceptible in producing the moral and intellectual improvement of that coun try. In a parliament held three years subsequent to that which has just been noticed,3 it was ordered that, throughout the kingdom, all barons and freeholders, whose fortunes per mitted it, should send their sons to the schools as soon as they were eight or nine years old, to remain there until they had attained a competent know ledge of the Latin tongue; after which, they were directed to place them, for the space of three years, as pupils in the seminaries of art and law, so that they might be instructed in the knowledge of the laws, and fitted as sheriffs and ordinary judges, to admi nister justice, under the king’s high ness, throughout the realm; whilst, it is added, by this provision the “ poor people of the land will not be obliged, in every trifling offence, to seek redress from the king’s prin cipal council.”
For a considerable time past the condition of the Highlands, and the reduction of such wild and remote districts under a more regular form of government than that to which they had hitherto submitted, appears to have been a subject which occu pied a large share of the attention and anxiety of the sovereign. To attach to his interest the principal chiefs of these provinces; to overawe and sub due the petty princes who affected independence; to carry into their territories, hitherto too exclusively go verned by their own capricious or ty-
2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 238.
3 Parliament, June 13, 1496. R
258 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chaf. V
rannical institutions, the same system of a severe, but regular and rapid ad ministration of civil and criminal jus tice, which had been established in his Lowland dominions, was the laudable object of the king; and for this pur pose he succeeded, with that energy and activity which remarkably distin guished him, in opening up an inter course with many of the leading men in the northern counties. With the Captain of the clan Chattan, Duncan Macintosh; with Ewan, the son of Alan, Captain of the clan Cameron; with Campbell of Glenurcha; the Macgilleouns of Dowart and Loch- buy ; Mackane of Ardnamurchan; the Lairds of Mackenzie and Grant; and the Earl of Huntly, a baron of the most extensive power in those northern districts—he appears to have been in habits of constant and regular communication, rewarding them by presents, in the shape either of money or of grants of land, and securing their services in reducing to obedience such of their fellow-chieftains as proved contumacious, or actually rose into rebellion.1 But James was not con tent with this. He rightly judged that the personal presence of the sovereign in those distant parts of his dominions would be attended with salutary effects; and in 1490, on two different occasions, he rode, accom panied by his chief counsellors and the lords of his household, from Perth across the “ Mounth,'’ the term ap plied to the extensive chain of moun tains which extends across the coun try, from the border of the Mearns to the head of Loch Rannoch. In 1493, although much occupied with other cares and concerns, he found time to penetrate twice into the Highlands, proceeding as far as Dunstaffhage and Mingarry in Ardnamurchan,2 and in the succeeding year such was the in-
1 Treasurer’s MS. Accompts, Nov. 21, 1488. “ Item, til ane man to passe to the lard of Frauchie [Grant] for a tratoure he tuke, x sch.” Ibid. September 19,1489. Ibid. Octo ber 22, 1489 ; November 10, 1489 ; August 16,1490 ; August 26, 1492 ; August 18,1493 ; January 5, 1493.
2 Mag. Sig. xiii. 200. August 18, 1493. Ibid. xiii. 104. October 25, 1493.
defatigable activity with which he executed his public duties, that he thrice visited the Isles.3 The first of these voyages, which took place in April and May, was conducted with great state. It afforded the youthful monarch an opportunity of combining business and amusement, of gratifying his passion for sailing and hunting, of investigating the state of the fisheries, of fitting out his barges for defence as well as pleasure, and of inducing his nobles to build and furnish, at their own expense, vessels in which they might accompany their sovereign. It had the effect also of impressing upon the inhabitants of the Isles a salutary idea of the wealth, grandeur, and mili tary power of the king. The rapidity with which he travelled from place to place, the success and expedition with which he punished all who dared to oppose him, his generosity to his friends and attendants, and his gay and condescending familiarity with the lower classes of his subjects, all com bined to increase his popularity, and to consolidate and unite, by the bonds of equal laws and affectionate alle giance, the remotest parts of the kingdom.
At Tarbet, in Cantire, he repaired the fort originally built by Bruce, and established an emporium for his ship ping, transporting thither his artillery, laying in a stock of gunpowder, and carrying along with him his master- gunners, in whose training and prac tice he appears, from the payments in the treasurers books, to have busied himself with much perseverance and enthusiasm.4 These warlike measures were generally attended with the best effects; most of the chieftains readily submitted to a prince who could carry hostilities within a few days into the heart of their country, and attack them in their island fastnesses with a force which they found it vain to re sist ; one only, Sir John of the Isles,
3 Treasurers Accounts, “To J. M’chadame, after Pasche, the time that the king past to the Isles, 3½ elns rowane tany iii lb. xvii shillings.” April 1494.
4 Treasurers Accounts, July 5—July 24, 1494.
1494.] JAMES IV. 259
had the folly to defy the royal ven geance, ungrateful for that repeated lenity with which his treasons had been already pardoned. His great power on the Isles probably induced him to believe that the king would not venture to drive him to extremi ties ; but in this he was disappointed. James instantly summoned him to stand his trial for treason; and in a parliament, which assembled at Edin burgh soon after the king’s return from the north, this formidable rebel was stripped of his power, and his lands and possessions forfeited to the crown.1
A singular and interesting episode in the history of Scotland now pre sents itself in the connexion of James the Fourth with that mysterious im postor, Perkin Warbeck; and there seems to be a strong presumption, al most amounting to proof, that the plots of the Duchess of Burgundy re ceived the countenance and support of the Scottish monarch at a much earlier period than is commonly assigned by the popular historians of either coun try.2 One of the most remarkable features in the government of the Scottish monarch, and one which strik ingly points out the rising influence and importance of the kingdom, was the constant and intimate communi cation which he maintained with the continent. With France, Spain, Por tugal, Denmark, and Flanders, the in tercourse was as regular and uninter rupted, not only in the more solemn way of embassies, but by heralds, en voys, and merchants, as that carried on with England; and with the Duchess of Burgundy, the inveterate enemy of Henry the Seventh and the house of
1 Treasurer's Accounts, August 24, 1494. “ Item, to summon Sir John of the Isles, of treason in Kintire, and for the expense of witnesses, vi lb. xiii sh. iiii d.” This, accord ing to Mr Gregory, was Sir John, called “ Ca- noch” or the handsome, of Isla and Cantire, and Lord of the (Hens in Ireland—executed afterwards at Edinburgh about the year 1500.
2 Warbeck’s connexion with James is gene rally believed to have commenced shortly be fore his alleged arrival in Scotland, in 1496. It is certain, however, that he arrived there in 1495, and he seems to have been long in secret treaty with James.
Lancaster, James had established a secret correspondence only five months after his accession to the throne. It is well known that the plots of this enterprising woman were chiefly fos tered by her friends and emissaries in Ireland ; and when we find, as early as the 4th of November 1488, Sir Richard Hardelston and Richard Lude- lay de Ireland proceeding on a mission to the Scottish court from this prin cess, it is difficult to resist the con clusion that James was well aware of her intended conspiracy, although whether he was admitted into the secret of the imposition attempted to be practised upon England is not easily discoverable.3 This accession to the plot is corroborated by other strong facts. In the course of the same month, in which the first en voys arrived, James received letters from the duchess by an English herald; and towards the conclusion of the year in which this intercourse took place, the Scottish monarch was visited by a herald from Ireland, who was imme diately despatched upon a private mission to the Duchess of Burgundy, whilst a pursuivant was sent from Scotland to communicate with certain individuals in England, whose names do not appear.4 It is well known that the conspiracy was encouraged by Charles the Eighth of France, who in vited Perkin into his kingdom, and received him with high distinction; whilst the Earl of Bothwell, one of James’s principal favourites and coun sellors, repaired soon after to that
3 Mag. Sig. xii. 59. Nov. 4, 1488. Safe- conduct by James the Fourth at Edinburgh to Richard Hardelstoun, knight, and Richard Ludelay de Ireland, Englishmen, with forty persons, at the request of Dame Margaret, duchess of Burgundy.
4 Treasurer's Accounts, Nov. 26,1488. “To an English herald, that came with letters from the Dutchess of Burgundy, x lb.” Again, in Treasurer's Accounts, September 21, 1489, “ Item, to Rowland Robyson,” (this person was afterwards in the intimate confidence of Perkin,) “that brought the letters to the king from the Dutchess of Burgundy, v lb. viii sh.” Ibid. Feb. 27, 1489. “Item, to the harrot that came furth of Ireland, and past to the Dutchess of Burgundy, xviii lb. Item, to the Scottis bute persyvant that past the same time in England, xvii lb. viii sh.”
260 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
court, and remained for some months engaged in these private negotiations. Warbeck was at this time treated like a prince. A guard of honour was ap pointed to wait upon his person, com manded by Monipenny Sieur de Con- cressault, a Scotsman by descent, but whose family had been long settled in France, and who, not long after, pro ceeded as ambassador to Scotland from the court of France.1
Towards the conclusion of the year 1491, the intercourse, which hitherto had been involved in great obscurity, became more open and avowed. War- beck, who was then in Ireland, where he had been joined by the Earl of Desmond, despatched one of his English followers, named Edward Ormond, to the Scottish court with letters for the king, and the readiness with which James entertained the communication, although deeply engaged with the in ternal administration of his own do minions, evinces a prior intimacy with the conspiracy and its authors.2 The intrigues, however, with which this extraordinary person was then occu pied in France, England, and Flanders, left him little time to follow out his correspondence with the Scottish mon arch, and it was not till the year 1494 that he renewed his intercourse with James. On the 6th of November of that year the king received intima tion from the Duchess of Burgundy, that the “ Prince of England,” the name by which he is mentioned in the ancient record which informs us of this fact, was about to visit Scotland; and preparations for his honourable reception were commenced at Stirling.3
Henry, however, there is reason to believe, was well aware of these in trigues in Scotland. Various Scots-
1 Bacon’s Life of Henry VII. Apud Ken net, vol. i. v. 607. Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 28.
2 Treasurer's Books, March 2,1491. “Given at the king’s command to an Englishman, called Edward Ormond, that brought letters forth of Ireland fra King Edward’s son and the Earl of Desmond, ix lb.”
3 “Item, for carriage of the arras work forth of Edinburgh to Stirling, for receiving the Prince of England, xxx sh.” Treasurer's Books, November 6, 1494.
men, amongst the rest a Scottish knight of Rhodes, probably Sir John Knollis, who had lately passed into England, and Ramsay, lord Both well, the favour ite of James the Third, were in the pay of the English king;4 whilst in Flanders, Lord Clifford, who had at first warmly embraced the cause of the counterfeit prince, was corrupted by a large bribe; and after amusing his friends and adherents by a series of negotiations which drew into the plot some of the ancient and noble families of England, concluded his base proceedings by betraying them to the English monarch. This discovery was a fatal blow to the Yorkists. Their project was probably to have proclaim ed Perkin in England, whilst his numer ous adherents engaged to rise in Ire land; and the Scottish monarch was to break at the head of his army across the Borders, and compel Henry to divide his force. But the Border chiefs, impatient for war, invaded England too soon ; and it happened, unfortun ately for Warbeck, that whilst a tumultuous force, including the Arm strongs, Elwalds, Crossars, Wighams, Nyksons, and Henrisons, penetrated into Northumberland,5 with the hope of promoting a rising in favour of the asserted Duke of York, the treachery of Clifford had revealed the whole particulars of the conspiracy; and the apprehension and execution of the ringleaders struck such terror into the nation, that the cause of Perkin in that country was for the present con sidered hopeless.
He had still, however, to look to Ireland and Scotland. Amongst the Irish the affection for the house of York, and the belief in the reality of his pretensions, was exceedingly strong. It is difficult, indeed, to discover whether the Scottish king was equally credulous; yet, either as a believer or a politician, James determined to sup port the sinking fortunes of the coun terfeit prince. For this purpose an
4 Nicolas, Excerpta Historica, part i. p. 93.
5 This raid or invasion, which is unknown to our historians, is mentioned nowhere but in the record of justiciary, Nov. 1493. Mr Stirling’s MS. Chron. Notes, pp. 50, 55.
1494-7.] JAMES IV. 261
intercourse was opened up with Ire land, and O’Donnel, prince of Tirconnel, one of the most powerful chiefs in that country, repaired to the Scottish court, where he was received by the king with great state and distinction.1 The particulars of their conferences are unfortunately lost to history; but there can be little doubt that they re lated to the efforts which James had determined to make for the restoration of the last descendant of the house of York to the throne of his alleged an cestors. At this time war appears to have been resolved on; and although Henry, justly alarmed by the state of his kingdom, still torn by public discontent and secret conspiracy, en deavoured to avert the storm by pro posals for the marriage of James with his daughter the Princess Margaret,2 this monarch rejected the alliance with coldness; and resolved that he who had not scrupled to sow treason amongst his barons, and to lay plots for the seizure of his person, should at length feel the weight of his resentment.
Accordingly, in the month of No vember 1495, Warbeck, under the title of Prince Richard of England, was received with royal honours at the palace of Stirling;3 and whatever scepticism James may hitherto have indulged in, there is certainly strong ground to believe that the art of this accomplished impostor, his noble ap pearance, the grace and unaffected dignity of his manners, and the air of mystery and romance which his misfor tunes had thrown around him, contri buted to persuade the king of the identity of his person, and the justice of his claim upon the throne of Eng land. He was welcomed into Scotland with great state and rejoicing. The king addressed him as “cousin,” and
1 Treasurer's Accounts. Sub anno 1494. But without any further date. " Item, passing with lettres in the east and south-landis, for the receiving of great Odonell, x shillings. Item, to Master Alexr Schawes expenses pass ing from the toun of Air to Edinburgh for the cupboard, and remaining there upon the king’s clothing, to the receiving of Odonnell, xx shillings.”
2 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xii. p. 572.
3 Treasurer's Accompts, November 6, 1495. He arrived at Stirling, November 20.
publicly countenanced his title to the crown. Tournaments and other courtly festivals were held in honour of his arrival; and James, accompanied by his nobility, conducted him in a pro gress through his dominions, in which, by his handsome person and popular manners, he conciliated to himself the admiration of the people. But this was not all. The Scottish monarch bestowed upon his new ally the hand of Catherine Gordon, daughter of the Earl of Huntly, a lady of extraordinary beauty and accomplishments, who, by her mother, the daughter of James the First, was nearly related to the royal family,—a step which appears to guar antee the sincerity of James’s present belief in the reality of his pretensions. More serious measures were now resorted to, and a general muster of the military force of the kingdom was ordered by “ letters of weapon-schaw- ings,” which were followed by an order to the whole body of the lieges, includ ing the men of the Isles, to meet the king at Lauder. A communication at the same time took place between the Irish and Anglo-Irish barons who sup ported in that island the cause of Per- kin;4 the king himself rode through the country with his usual activity, superintending the equipment of the rude train of artillery, which had to be collected from various forts and castles;5 Andrew Wood of Largo was despatched into the north with letters to the barons of that district; and all the preparations having been com pleted, the young monarch placed himself at the head of his army. He was accompanied by Warbeck, who,
4 Treasurer's Accompts, June 4,1496. Ibid. June 29.
5 Ibid. Sept. 1, 1496. Ibid. May 3. Ibid. May 10. “Item, to the man that gydit the king to Drymmyne” (Drummond castle, in Strathern) “ that night, viii d. May 10, Item, to the king in Strivelin, to play at the cach. August 8, Item, to the man that castis the brazen chambers to the gun, xxviii sh. Item, Sept. 1, to John Lamb of Leith, for xxxvi gun- chambers, and for nykkis and bandis to ye gunnis, and for iron graith to the brazen gun, and lokkis, finger and boltis to the bombards that were in Leith. Sept. 9, For ane elne, half a quartere, and a nail of double red taffety to the Duke of York’s (Perkin Warbeck) banner, for the elne, xviii sh.”
262 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. V.
adopting the title of the Duke of York, was treated with distinguished honours, and equipped for war with a personal magnificence almost equal to that of the king. At this moment, Roderic de Lalain, with two ships, which bore a force of sixty German men-at-arms, arrived from Flanders, bringing with him, from the Duchess of Burgundy, arms, harness, crossbows, and other necessary military stores; whilst there landed at St Andrews, on a mission from Charles the Eighth, the Lord of Concressault, who had formerly commanded Perkin’s bodyguard in France.1 The very selection of so in timate a friend of the counterfeit prince, indicated a secret disposition to favour his cause ; and although the French monarch publicly proposed, by his ambassador, that he should be per mitted to act as a mediator between Henry and the Scottish king, it is cer tain that he secretly encouraged the invasion. At the same time, many of the English, chiefly of the Border barons, resorted to Perkin from Ber wick and Carlisle; the Nevilles, Dacres, Skeltons, Lovels, and Herons, were in constant communication with him; and it was confidently expected by the young King of Scots, that the disposi tion in his favour would become gene ral the moment he penetrated into England.2
But James, whose rash and over bearing temper often misled his judg ment, was little aware of the means which Henry had sagaciously adopted to defeat the threatened invasion. With the Scottish people, who cared little for the pretensions of the house of York, or the cause of the mysterious stranger, the war was unpopular; and in Bothwell, the favourite of James the Third, who had been suffered by his son to remain in Scotland, Henry possessed an active and able partisan. By his means, the king’s brother, the Duke of Ross, the Earl of Buchan, and the Bishop of Moray were induced to promise Henry their utmost assistance
1 Supra, p. 260.
2 Letters from Ramsay, lord Bothwell, to Henry the Seventh, first published by Pinker- ton, from the originals in the British Mu seum. Pinkerton’s Hist. vol. ii. pp. 438, 443.
in defeating the object of the invasion; the young prince even engaged to place himself under the protection of the King of England, the moment his royal brother crossed the Borders; and a plot for the seizure of Warbeck, at night, in his tent, was, at Henry’s suggestion, entered into between Buchan, Bothwell, and Wyat, an Eng lish envoy, which, probably, only failed from the vigilance of the royal guard whom James had directed to keep watch round the pavilion.
Whilst many of the most powerful Scottish barons thus secretly lent themselves to Henry, and remained with the army only to betray it, others, who had been the friends and coun sellors of his father, anxiously laboured to dissuade James from carrying hos tilities to extremity; but the glory of restoring an unfortunate prince, the last of a noble race, to his hereditary throne; the recovery of Berwick, which he engaged to place in the hands of the Scottish king; and the sum of one thousand marks, which he promised to advance for the expenses of the war, were motives too powerful to be re sisted by the young monarch; and, after a general muster of his army at Ellame Kirk, within a few miles of the English Border, he declared war, and invaded England. At this time Warbeck addressed a public declara tion to his subjects, in the name of Richard, duke of York, true inheritor of the crown of England. He branded Henry as a usurper—accused him of the murder of Sir William Stanley, Sir Simon Montfort, and others of the ancient barons and nobility—of having invaded the liberties and franchises of the Church—and of having pillaged the people by heavy aids and unjust taxes. He pledged his word to remove these illegal impositions, to maintain unin jured the rights of the Church, the privileges of the nobles, the charters of the corporations, with the commerce and manufactures of the country; and he concluded by setting a reward of one thousand pounds on Henry’s head.
This proclamation was judiciously drawn up, yet it gained no proselytes, and James, who had expected a very
1497.] JAMES IV. 263
different result, was mortified to find that the consequences which had been predicted by his wisest counsellors were speedily realised. So long as Warbeck attempted to assert his pre tended rights to the throne by the assistance of the English, whom he claimed as his own subjects, he had some chance of success; but such was still the hatred between the two na tions, that the fact of his appearance at the head of a Scottish army at once destroyed all sympathy and affection for his cause. Instead of a general rising of the people, the Scottish mon arch found that the English Border barons who had joined him were avoided as traitors and renegades, and the large force of Germans, French, and Flemish volunteers, who marched along with the army, only increased the odium against the impostor, whilst they refused to co-operate cordially with their allies. James, however, held his desolating progress through Northumberland, and incensed at the failure of his scheme, and the disap pointment of his hopes, with a cruel and short-sighted policy, indulged his revenge by delivering over the country to indiscriminate plunder. It is said that Warbeck generously and warmly remonstrated against such a mode of making war, declaring that he would rather renounce the crown than gain it at the expense of so much misery : to which James coldly replied, that his cousin of York seemed to him too soli citous for the welfare of a nation which hesitated to acknowledge him either as a king or a subject,—a severe retort, evincing very unequivocally that the ardour of the monarch for the main object of the war had experienced a sudden and effectual check.1 The ap proach, however, of an English army, the scarcity of provisions in an ex hausted country, and the late season of the year, were more efficacious than the arguments of the pretended prince; and the Scottish king, after an expedi tion which had been preceded by many boastful and expensive preparations, retreated without hazarding a battle,
1 Carte, Hist, of England, vol. ii. pp. 848, 849.
and regained his own dominions. Here, in the society of his fair mistress, the Lady Drummond, and surrounded by the flatterers and favourites who thronged his gay and dissipated court, he soon forgot his ambitious designs, and appeared disposed to abandon, for the present, all idea of supporting the pretensions of Warbeck to the throne of England.
But the flame of war, once kindled between the two countries, was not so easily extinguished. The Borderers on either side had tasted the sweets of plunder, and the excitation of mutual hostility. An inroad by the Homes, which took place even in the heart of winter, again carried havoc into Eng land; and Henry, whose successes against his domestic enemies had now seated him firmly upon the throne, commanded Lord Dacre, his warden of the west marches, to assemble the whole power of these districts, and to retaliate by an invasion into Scotland. The sagacious monarch, however, soon discovered, by those methods of ob taining secret information, of which he so constantly availed himself, that James’s passion for military renown, and his solicitude in the cause, had greatly diminished; and although hos tilities recommenced in the summer, and a conflict took place at Dunse, the war evidently languished. The English monarch began to renew his negotiations for peace; and his pro posals were repeated for a marriage between the young King of Scots and his daughter the Princess Mar garet.
James, however, although disposed to listen to these overtures, was too generous to entertain for a moment Henry’s proposal that Perkin should be abandoned, and delivered into his hands. Yet the expenses incurred by his stay in Scotland, where he was maintained with a state and dignity in every way befitting his alleged rank, were necessarily great.2 His servants and attendants, and those of his wife,
2 Treasurer's Books, May 10, 1497, “ Item, Giffin to Rolland Robysonn for his Maister (Zorkes) months pensionne, lcxii lb.”—York here means Perkin Warbeck.
264 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
the Lady Catherine Gordon, who took the title of Duchess of York, were all supported by the king; and the limited exchequer of the country could ill bear these heavy drains, in addition to the disbursement of a monarch, whose habits were unusually profuse, and who was frequently obliged to coin his per sonal ornaments, that he might procure money for the demands of pleasure, or the more serious urgencies of the state.1 In such circumstances, it seemed to the king the best policy to continue the demonstrations of war for some time, without any intention of pushing it to extremities, whilst, under cover of these hostilities, Warbeck should be suffered quietly to leave Scotland. James accordingly again advanced into England, accompanied by a considerable train of artillery, in which that large piece of ordnance, still preserved in the castle of Edin burgh, and known by the familiar name of Mons Meg, made a conspicuous appearance.2 Meanwhile, during his absence with the army, preparations were secretly made for the embarka tion of Warbeck. A ship, commanded by Robert Barton, a name destined to
become afterwards illustrious in the naval history of the country, was or dered to be got ready at Ayr, and thi ther this mysterious and unfortunate adventurer repaired. He was accom panied by his wife, who continued his faithful companion amid every future reverse of fortune, and attended by a body of thirty horse.3 In this last scene of his connexion with Scotland, nothing occurred which evinced upon the part of James any change of opi nion regarding the reality of his rank and pretensions. He and his beautiful consort preserved their titles as Duke and Duchess of York. The vessel which carried them to the continent was equipped at great expense, com manded by one of the most skilful seamen in the kingdom, and even the minutest circumstances which could affect their accommodation and com fort were not forgotten by the watchful and generous anxiety of the monarch, who had been their protector till the cause seemed hopeless. At last, all being in readiness, the ship weighed anchor on the 6th of July 1497, and Warbeck and his fortunes bade adieu to Scotland for ever.4
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