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CHAPTER VI.
JAMES THE FOURTH. 1497—1513.
The departure of Perkin Warbeck from Scotland was followed, after a short interval, by a truce with Eng-
1 Treasurer's Books, July 27,1497. “ Item, ressavit of Sir Thos Tod for iii pund wecht, foure unce and three quarters of an unce of gold in xxxvi linkis of the great chain, coined by the king’s command, iiiicxxxii unicorns iiiclxix lbs. xvi shillings.” Ibid. Feb. 20, 1496. Again, in the Treasurer's Books, Aug. 4, 1497, we find eighteen links struck off the great chain, weighing thirty-five ounces,
land. It was evidently the interest of Henry the Seventh and of James to be at peace. The English monarch was unpopular; every attack by a
coined into two hundred unicorns and a half. Sir Thomas Tod was rather a dangerous per son to be placed in an office of such trust. See supra, p. 252.
2 Illustrations, letter U.
3 Treasurer's Books, July 5,1497.
4 Treasurer's Books, July 6,1497. Illustra tions letter V. Note on Perkin Warbeck.
1497.] JAMES IV. 265
foreign power endangered the stabi lity of his government, encouraging domestic discontent, and strengthen ing the hands of his enemies : on the side of the Scottish king there were not similar causes of alarm, for he was strong in the affections of his sub jects, and beloved by his nobility; but grave and weighty cares en grossed his attention, and these were of a nature which could be best pur sued in a time of peace. The state of the revenue, the commerce and do mestic manufactures of his kingdom, and the deficiency of his marine, had now begun to occupy an important place in the thoughts of the still youthful sovereign : the disorganised condition of the more northern por tions of his dominions demanded also the exertion of his utmost vigilance; so that he listened not unwillingly to Henry’s proposals of peace, and to the overture for a matrimonial alliance, which was brought forward by the principal Commissioner of England, Fox, bishop of Durham. The pacific disposition of James appears to have been strengthened by the judicious counsels of Pedro D’Ayala, the Spanish envoy at the court of Henry the Seventh : this able foreigner had received orders from his sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella, to visit Scot land as the ambassador from their Catholic majesties; and on his arrival in that country, he soon acquired so strong an influence over this prince, that he did not hesitate to nominate him his chief commissioner for the conducting his negotiations with Eng land. A seven years’ truce was ac cordingly concluded at Ayton on She 31st of September 1497 ; 1 and in a meeting which took place soon after, between William de Warham, Henry’s commissioner, and D’Ayala, who appeared on the part of James, it was agreed that this cessation of hostilities should continue during the lives of the two monarchs, and for a year after the death of the survivor. Having accomplished this object, the Spanish minister and his suite left the Scottish court, to the regret of the 1 Rymer, vol. xii. pp. 673, 678 inclusive.
king, who testified by rich presents the regard he entertained for them.2
This negotiation with England be ing concluded, James had leisure to turn his attention to his affairs at home ; and, although in the depth of winter, with the hardihood which marked his character, he took a pro gress northward as far as Inverness. It was his object personally to inspect the state of these remote portions of his dominions, that he might be able to legislate for them with greater suc cess than had attended the efforts of his predecessors. The policy which he adopted was, to separate and weaken the clans by arraying them in opposition to each other, to attach to his service by rewards and preferment some of their ablest leaders—to main tain a correspondence with the re motest districts—and gradually to accustom their fierce inhabitants to habits of pacific industry, and a res pect for the restraints of the laws. It has been objected to him that his proceedings towards the Highland chiefs were occasionally marked by an unbending rigour, and too slight a regard for justice ; but his policy may be vindicated on the ground of ne cessity, and even of self-defence.
These severe measures, however, were seldom resorted to but in cases of rebellion. To the great body of his nobility, James was uniformly indulgent; the lamentable fate of his father convinced him of the folly of attempting to rule without them; he was persuaded that a feudal monarch at war with his nobles, was deprived of the greatest sources of his strength and dignity; and to enable him to direct their efforts to such objects as he had at heart, he endeavoured to gain their affections. Nor was it difficult to effect this : the course of conduct which his own disposition prompted him to pursue, was the best calculated to render him a favourite with the aristocracy. Under the former reign they seldom saw their prince, but lived in gloomy inde pendence at a distance from court,
2 MS. Accounts of the High Treasurer of Scotland under the 31st of October 1497.
266 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
resorting thither only on occasions of state or counsel; and when the par liament was ended, or the emergency had passed away, they returned to their castles full of complaints against a system which made them strangers to their sovereign, and ciphers in the government. Under James all this was changed. Affable in his manners, fond of magnificence, and devoted to pleasure, the king delighted to see himself surrounded by a splendid nobility : he bestowed upon his high est barons those offices in his house hold which insured a familiar attend ance upon his person : his court was a perpetual scene of revelry and amusement, in which the nobles vied with each other in extravagance, and whilst they impoverished themselves, became more dependent from this cir cumstance upon the sovereign. The seclusion and inferior splendour of their own castles became gradually irksome to them ; as their residence was less frequent, the ties which bound their vassals to their service were loosened, whilst the consequence was favourable to the royal authority. But amid the splendour of his court, and devotion to his pleasures, James pursued other objects which were truly laudable. Of these the most prominent and the most im portant was his attention to his navy : the enterprises of the Portuguese, and the discoveries of Columbus, had created a sensation at this period throughout every part of Europe, which, in these times, it is perhaps impossible for us to estimate in its full force. Every monarch ambitious of wealth or of glory, became anxious to share in the triumphs of maritime adventure and discovery. Henry the Seventh of England, although in most cases a cautious and penuri ous prince, had not hesitated to en- courage the celebrated expedition of John Cabot, a Venetian merchant, settled at Bristol; and his unwonted spirit was rewarded by the discovery of the continent of North America.1
1 Mr Biddel in his Life of Sebastian Cabot, a work of great acuteness and research, has endeavoured to shew that the discovery of
A second voyage conducted by his son Sebastian, one of the ablest navi gators of the age, had greatly ex tended the range of our geographical knowledge; and the genius of the Scottish prince, catching fire at the successes of the neighbouring king dom, became eager to distinguish itself in a similar career of naval en terprise.
But a fleet was wanting to second these aspirings; and to supply this became his principal object. His first care was wisely directed to those nurseries of seamen, his domestic fisheries and his foreign commerce. Deficient in anything deserving the name of a royal navy, Scotland was nevertheless rich in hardy mariners and enterprising merchants. A for mer parliament of this reign had ad verted to the great wealth still lost to the country from the want of a suffi cient number of ships, and busses, or boats, to be employed in the fisheries.2 An enactment was now made that vessels of twenty tons and upwards should be built in all the seaports of the kingdom ; whilst the magistrates were directed to compel all stout va grants who frequented such districts to learn the trade of mariners, and labour for their own living.3
Amongst his merchants and private traders, the king found some men of ability and experience. Sir Andrew Wood of Largo, the two Bartons, Sir Alexander Mathison, William Merri- month of Leith, whose skill in mari time affairs had procured him the title of “ King of the Sea,” and various other naval adventurers of inferior note, were sought out by James, and treated with peculiar favour and dis-
North America belongs solely to Sebastian and not to John Cabot. From the examina tion of his proofs and authorities, I have arrived at an opposite conclusion. The reader who is interested in the subject will find it discussed in the Appendix to " A His torical View of the Progress of Discovery in North America.”
2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 235. “ Anent the greit innumerable riches yat is tint in fault of schippis and buschis.”
3 M’Pherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. pp. 17, 18.
1497-1502.] JAMES IV. 267
tinction. They were encouraged to extend their voyages, to arm their trading vessels, to purchase foreign ships of war, to import cannon, and to superintend the building of ships of force at home. In these cares the monarch not only took an interest, but studied the subject with his usual en thusiasm, and personally superintended every detail. He conversed with his mariners—rewarded the most skilful and assiduous by presents—visited familiarly at the houses of his princi pal merchants and sea officers—prac tised with his artillerymen—often discharging and pointing the guns, and delighted in embarking on short voyages of experiment, in which, under the tuition of Wood or the Bar tons, he became acquainted with the practical parts of navigation. The consequences of such conduct were highly favourable to him : he became as popular with his sailors as he was beloved by his nobility; his fame was carried by them to foreign countries; shipwrights, cannon-founders, and for eign artisans of every description flocked to his court from France, Italy, and the Low Countries; and if amongst these were some impostors, whose pre tensions imposed upon the royal cre dulity, there were others by whose skill and genius Scotland rose in the scale of knowledge and importance.
But the attention of James to his navy and his foreign commerce, al though conspicuous, was not exclu sive ; his energy and activity in the administration of justice, in the sup pression of crime, and in the regulation of the police of his dominions, were equally remarkable. Under the feudal government as it then existed in Scot land, the obedience paid to the laws, and the consequent increase of in dustry and security of property, were dependent in a great degree upon the personal character of the sovereign. Indolence and inactivity in the monarch commonly led to disorder and oppres sion. The stronger nobles oppressed their weaker neighbours; murder and spoliation of every kind were practised by their vassals; whilst the judges, deprived of the countenance and pro
tection of their prince, either did not dare or did not choose to punish the delinquents. Personal vigour in the king was invariably accompanied by a diminution of crime and a respect for the laws ; and never was a sovereign more indefatigable than James in visiting with this object every district of his dominions; travelling frequently alone, at night, and in the most in clement seasons, to great distances; surprising the judge when he least expected, by his sudden appearance on the tribunal, and striking terror into the heart of the guilty by the rapidity and certainty of the royal vengeance. Possessed of an athletic frame, which was strengthened by a familiarity with all the warlike exer cises of the age, the king thought little of throwing himself on his horse and riding a hundred miles before he drew bridle; and on one occasion it is recorded of him, that he rode un attended from his palace of Stirling in a single day to Elgin, where he per mitted himself but a few hours’ repose, and then pushed on to the shrine of St Duthoc in Ross.1
Whilst the monarch was occupied in these active but pacific cares, an event occurred which, in its conse quences, threatened once more to plunge the two countries into war. A party of Scottish youths, some of them highly born, crossed the Tweed at Norham, and trusting to the protection of the truce, visited the castle; but the national antipathy led to a mis understanding : they were accused of being spies, attacked by orders of the governor, and driven with ignominy and wounds across the river. James’s chivalrous sense of honour fired at this outrage, and he despatched a herald to England, demanding in quiry, and denouncing war if it were refused. It was fortunate, however, that the excited passions of this prince were met by quietude and prudence upon the part of Henry; he repre sented the event in its true colours, as an unpremeditated and accidental attack, for which he felt regret and was ready to afford redress. Fox, the bishop
1 Lesley’s History, Bannatyne edit. p. 76.
268 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
of Durham, to whom the castle be longed, made ample submissions ; and the king, conciliated by his flattery, and convinced by his arguments of the ruinous impolicy of a war, allowed himself to be appeased. Throughout the whole negotiation, the wisdom and moderation of Henry presented a striking contrast to the foolish and overbearing impetuosity of the Scot tish monarch : it was hoped, however, that this headstrong temper would be subdued by his arrival at a maturer age; and in the meantime the English king despatched to the Scottish court his Vice-Admiral Rydon, to obtain from James the final ratification of the truce, which was given at Stirling on the 20th of July 1499.1
In the midst of these threatenings of war which were thus happily averted, it is pleasing to mark the efforts of an enlightened policy for the dissemination of learning. By an act of a former parliament, (1496.)2 it had been made imperative on all barons and freeholders, under a fine of twenty pounds, to send their sons at the age of nine years to the schools, where they were to be competently founded in Latin, and to remain after wards three years at the schools of “ Art and Jury,” so as to insure their possessing a knowledge of the laws. The object of this statute was to secure the appointment of learned persons to fill the office of sheriffs, that the poorer classes of the people might not be compelled from the ignorance of such judges to appeal to a higher tribunal. These efforts were seconded by the exertions of an emin ent and learned prelate, Elphinston, bishop of Aberdeen, who now com pleted the building of King’s College in that city, for the foundation of which he had procured the Papal bull in 1494. In the devout spirit of the age, its original institutions embraced the maintenance of eight priests and seven singing boys; but it supported also professors of divinity, of the civil and canon law, of medicine and hu-
1 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xii. p. 728. 2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 238.
manity; fourteen students of phil osophy and ten bachelors were edu cated within its walls : nor is it un worthy of record that (its first prin cipal was the noted Hector Boece, the correspondent of Erasmus, and a scholar whose classical attainments and brilliant fancy had already pro cured for him the distinction of pro fessor of philosophy in Montague College at Paris. Scotland now pos sessed three universities : that of St Andrews, founded in the commence ment of the fifteenth century; Glas gow, in the year 1453 ; and Aberdeen in 1500. Fostered amid the security of peace, the Muses began to raise their heads from the slumber into which they had fallen ; and the genius of Dunbar and Douglas emulated in their native language the poetical tri umphs of Chaucer and of Gower.3
It was about this time that James concluded a defensive alliance with France and Denmark; and Henry the Seventh, who began to be alarmed lest the monarch should be flattered by Lewis the Twelfth into a still more intimate intercourse, renewed his pro posals for a marriage with his daugh ter. The wise policy of a union be tween the Scottish king and the Princess Margaret had suggested itsell to the councillors of both countries some years before; but the extreme youth of the intended bride, and ar indisposition upon the part of James to interrupt by more solemn ties the love which he bore to his mistress, Margaret Drummond, the daughter of Lord Drummond, had for a while put an end to all negotiations on the sub- ject. His continued attachment, how- ever, the birth of a daughter, and, perhaps, the dread of female influence over the impetuous character of the king, began to alarm his nobility, amd James felt disposed to listen to their remonstrances. He accordingly de- spatched his commissioners, the Bishop of Glasgow, the Earl of Bothwell, his high admiral, and Andrew Forman. apostolical prothonotary, to meet with
3 Memoirs of William Dunbar, p. 45, pre- fixed to Mr Laing’s beautiful edition of u poet.
1502.] JAMES IV. 269
those of Henry; and, after some inter val of debate and negotiation, the marriage treaty was concluded and signed in the palace of Richmond, on the 24th of January 1502.1 It was stipulated that, as the princess had not yet completed her twelfth year, her father should not be obliged to send her to Scotland before the 1st of September 1503; whilst James en gaged to espouse her within fifteen days after her arrival.2 The queen was immediately to be put in posses sion of all the lands, castles, and manors, whose revenues constituted the jointure of the queens-dowager of Scotland; and it was stipulated that their annual amount should not be under the sum of two thousand pounds sterling. She was to receive during the lifetime of the king her husband, a pension of five hundred marks, equi valent to one thousand pounds of Scot tish money; and in the event of James’s death, was to be permitted to reside at her pleasure, either within or without the limits of Scotland. On the part of Henry, her dowry, consider ing his great wealth, was not munifi cent. It was fixed at thirty thousand nobles, or ten thousand pounds ster ling, to be paid by instalments within three years after the marriage.3 Be sides her Scottish servants, the princess 1 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xii. pp. 776, 777, 787.
2 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xii. p, 765, gives the dispensation for the marriage. It is dated 5th August 1500.
3 At a period as remote as 1281, when silver was far more valuable than in 1502, Alexan der the Third gave with his daughter to the King of Norway the value of 9333 pounds of standard silver, one-half in money, for the other half an annuity in lands, valued at ten years’ purchase, whilst the stipulated jointure was to be ten per cent, of her portion. Henry the Seventh, on the other hand, when it might be thought more necessary for him to conciliate the affection of his son-in-law, gives only 5714 pounds, silver of the same standard, and stipulates for his daughter a jointure of twenty percent., besides an allow ance for her privy purse.—M’Pherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. iv., in Appendix, Chronological Table oi Prices. The well- known economy, however, of the English monarch, and his shrewdness in all money transactions, preclude us from drawing any general conclusions from this remarkabl fact, as to the comparative wealth of Scotland in the thirteenth and England in the six teenth century.
was to be at liberty to keep twenty- four English domestics, men and women ; and her household was to be maintained by her husband in a state conformable to her high rank as the daughter and consort of a king. It was lastly agreed that, should the queen die without issue before the three years had expired within which her dowry was to be paid, the balance should not be demanded; but in the event of her death, leaving issue, the whole sum was to be exacted.4 Such was this celebrated treaty, in which the advantages were almost exclusively on the side of England; for Henry retained Berwick, and James was con tented with a portion smaller than that which had been promised to the Prince of Scotland by Edward the Fourth, when in 1474 this monarch invited him to marry his daughter Cæcilia.5 But there seems no ground for the insinuation of a modern histo rian,6 that the deliberations of the Scottish commissioners had been swayed by the gold of England; it is more probable they avoided a too rigid scrutiny of the treaty, from an anxiety that an alliance, which pro mised to be in every way beneficial to the country and to the sovereign, should be carried into effect with as much speed as possible.
The tender age of the young prin cess, however, still prevented her im mediate union with the king, and in the interval a domestic tragedy occur red at court, of which the causes are as dark as the event was deplorable. It has been already noticed that James, whose better qualities were tarnished by an indiscriminate devotion to his pleasures, had, amid other temporary amours, selected as his mistress Lady Margaret Drummond, the daughter of a noble house, which had already given a queen to Scotland. At first little anxiety was felt at such a connexion; the nobles, in the plurality of the royal favourites, imagined there ex-
4 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xii. pp. 787, 792, in clusive.
5 The portion of Cæcilia was 20,000 marks, equal to £13,333 English money of that age. —Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xi. pp. 825, 836.
6 Pinkerton. vol. ii. p. 41.
270 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
isted a safeguard tor the royal honour, and looked with confidence to James’s fulfilling his engagements with Eng land; but his infatuation seemed to increase in proportion as the period for the completion of the marriage approached. His coffers were ex hausted to keep up the splendid estab lishment of his mistress : large sums of money, rich dresses, grants of land to her relations and needy domestics, all contributed to drain the revenue, whilst her influence must have been alarming. The treaty was yet uncon firmed by the oath of the king, and his wisest councillors began to dread the consequences. It was in this state of things that, when residing at Drum- mond castle, Lady Margaret, along with her sisters, Euphemia and Sybilla, were suddenly seized with an illness which attacked them immediately after a repast, and soon after died in great torture, their last struggles exhibiting, it was said, the symptoms of poison. The bodies of the fair sufferers were instantly carried to Dunblane, and there buried with a precipitancy which increased the suspicion; yet no steps were taken to arrive at the truth by disinterment or examination. It is possible that a slight misunderstand ing between James and Henry con cerning the withdrawing the title of King of France, which the Scottish monarch had inadvertently permitted to be given to his intended father-in- law,1 may have had the effect of ex citing the hopes of the Drummonds, and reviving the alarm of the nobles, who adopted this horrid means of removing the subject of their fears; or we may, perhaps, look for a solution of the mystery in the jealousy of a rival house, which shared in the mu nificence and lisputed for the affec tions of the king.2
From the sad reflections which must have clouded his mind on this occa sion, the monarch suddenly turned, with his characteristic versatility and energy, to the cares of government.
1 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xiii. pp. 43, 44.
2 The Lady Janet Kennedy, daughter or John, lord Kennedy, had born a son to the king, whom James created Earl of Moray.
Sometime previous to this (but the precise date is uncertain) he provided the King of Denmark with vessels and troops for the reduction of the Nor wegians, who had risen against his authority. The Scottish auxiliaries, in conjunction with the Danish force and a squadron furnished by the elec tor of Brandenburg, were commanded by Christiern, prince royal of Den mark, and the insurgent Norwegians for the time completely reduced, whilst their chief, Hermold, was taken pri soner and executed. James’s fleet now returned to Scotland; the artil lery and ammunition which formed their freight were carried to the castle of Edinburgh, and a mission of Snow- don, herald to the Danish king, to whom James sent a present of a coat of gold, evinced the friendly alliance which existed between the two countries.3
All was now ready for the approach ing nuptials of the king. The Pope had given his dispensation, and con firmed the treaties; James had renewed his oath for their observation, and the youthful bride, under the care of the Earl of Surrey, and surrounded by a splendid retinue, set out on her jour ney to Scotland. Besides Surrey and his train, the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Dacre, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Durham, and other civil and ecclesiastical grandees, accom panied the princess, who was now in her fourteenth year; and at Lamber- ton kirk, in Lammermuir, she was met by the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Earl of Morton, and a train of Scottish barons. The royal tents, which had been sent forward, were now pitched for her reception; and according to the terms of the treaty, the Earl of Northumberland delivered her with great solemnity to the commissioners of the king. The cavalcade then pro ceeded towards Dalkeith. When she reached Newbattle, she was met by
3 This expedition of the Scottish ships to Denmark, in 1502-3, is not to be found in Pinkerton. Its occurrence is established be yond doubt by the MS. accounts of the Lord High Treasurer, and by the Historians of Denmark. — Lacombe, Histoire de Danne- marc, vol. i. p. 257.
1502-3.] JAMES IV. 271
the prince himself, with all the ardour of a youthful lover, eager to do honour to the lady of his heart. The inter view is described by an eye-witness, and presents a curious picture of the manners of the times. Darting, says he, like a hawk on its quarry, James eagerly entered her chamber, and found her playing at cards : he then, after an embrace, entertained her by his performance upon the clarichord and the lute: on taking leave, he sprung upon a beautiful courser with out putting his foot in the stirrup, and pushing the animal to the top of his speed, left his train far behind.1 At the next meeting the princess ex hibited her musical skill, whilst the king listened on bended knee, and highly commended the performance. When she left Dalkeith to proceed to the capital, James met her, mounted on a bay horse, trapped with gold; he and the nobles in his train riding at full gallop, and suddenly checking, and throwing their steeds on their haunches, to exhibit the firmness of their seat. A singular chivalrous ex hibition now took place: a knight appeared on horseback, attended by a beautiful lady, holding his bridle and carrying his hunting horn. He was assaulted by Sir Patrick Hamilton, who seized the damsel, and a mimic conflict took place, which concluded by the king throwing down his gage and calling “peace.” On arriving at the suburbs, the princess descended from her litter, and, mounted upon a pillion behind the royal bridegroom, rode through the streets of the city to the palace, amid the acclamations of the people.2 On the 8th of August the ceremony of the marriage was per formed by the Archbishop of St An drews in the abbey church of Holy- rood; and the festivities which followed were still more splendid than those which had preceded it. Feasting, masques, morris dances, and dramatic entertainments, occupied successive nights of revelry. Amid the tourna ments which were exhibited, the king appeared in the character of the Savage
1 Leland, Collectanea, vol. iv. p. 284,
2 Ibid. vol. iv. pp. 2SG. 237.
Knight, surrounded by wild men dis guised in goats’ skins; and by his un common skill in these martial exercises, carried off the prize from all who com peted with him. Besides the English nobles, many foreigners of distinction attended the wedding, amongst whom, one of the most illustrious was An thony D’Arsie de la Bastie, who fought in the barriers with Lord Hamilton, after they had tilted with grinding spears. Hamilton was nearly related to the king; and so pleased was James with his magnificent retinue and noble appearance in honour of his marriage, that he created him Earl of Arran on the third day after the ceremony.3 De la Bastie also was loaded with gifts; the Countess of Surrey, the Archbishop of York;4 the officers of the queen’s household, down to her meanest domestic, experienced the liberality of the monarch; and the revels broke up, amidst enthusiastic aspirations for his happiness, and com mendations of his unexampled gene rosity and gallantry.
Scarce had these scenes of public rejoicing concluded, when a rebellion broke out in the north which de manded the immediate attention of the king. The measures pursued by James in the Highlands and the Isles had been hitherto followed with com plete success. He had visited these remote districts in person ; their fierce chiefs had submitted to his power, and in 1495 he had returned to his capital, leading captive the only two delin quents who offered any serious re sistance—Mackenzie of Kintail, and Macintosh, heir to the Captain of clan Chattan. From this period till the year 1499, in the autumn of which the monarch held his court in South Can- tire, all appears to have remained in tranquillity; but after his return (from what causes cannot be dis covered) a complete change took place in the policy of the king, and the wise and moderate measures already adopted were succeeded by proceed ings so severe as to border on injus-
3 Mag. Sig. xiii. 639. Aug. 11, 1503. 4 Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer, sub anno 1503. August 9, 11, 12, 13.
272 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
tice. The charters which had been granted during the last six years to the vassals of the Isles, were sum marily revoked. Archibald, earl of Argyle, was installed in the office of lieutenant, with the ample and invi dious power of leasing out the entire lordship of the Isles.1 The ancient proprietors and their vassals were vio lently expelled from their hereditary property; whilst Argyle and other royal favourites appear to have been enriched by new grants of their estates and lordships. We are not to won der that such harsh proceedings were loudly reprobated: the inhabitants saw, with indignation, their rightful masters exposed to insult and indi gence, and at last broke into open rebellion. Donald Dhu, grandson of John, lord of the Isles, had been shut up for forty years, a solitary captive in the castle of Inchconnal. His mother was a daughter of the first Earl of Argyle ; and although there is no doubt that both he and his father were illegitimate,2 the affection of the Islemen overlooked the blot in his scutcheon, and fondly turned to him as the true heir of Ross and Innisgail. To reinstate him in his right, and place him upon the throne of the Isles, was the object of the present rebel lion.3 A party, led by the Maclans of Glencoe, broke into his dungeon, liberated him from his captivity, and carried him in safety to the castle of Torquil Macleod in the Lewis; whilst measures were concerted throughout the wide extent of the Isles for the establishment of their independence, and the destruction of the regal power. Although James received early intelligence of the meditated insurrection, and laboured by every method to dissolve the union amongst its confederated chiefs, it now burst forth with destructive fury. Bade- noch was wasted with all the ferocity of Highland warfare,—Inverness given to the flames; and so widely and
1 The island of Isla, and the lands of North and South Cantire, were alone excepted.
2 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 247.
3 Ibid.
rapidly did the contagion of independ ence spread throughout the Isles, that it demanded the most prompt and de cisive measures to arrest it. But James’s power, though shook, was too deeply rooted to be thus destroyed. The whole array of the kingdom was called forth. The Earls of Argyle, Huntly, Crawford, and Marshall, with Lord Lovat and other barons, were ap pointed to lead an army against the Islanders; the castles and strongholds in the hands of the king were fortified and garrisoned; letters were addressed to the various chiefs, encouraging the loyal by the rewards which awaited them, whilst over the heads of the wavering or disaffected were sus pended the terrors of forfeiture and execution. But this was not all: a parliament assembled at Edinburgh on the 11th of March 1503,4 and in addition to the above vigorous resolu tions, the civilisation of the Highlands, an object which had engrossed the at tention of many a successive council, was again taken into consideration. To accomplish this end, those dis tricts, whose inhabitants had hitherto, from their inaccessible position, defied the restraints of the law, were divided into new sheriffdoms, and placed under the jurisdiction of permanent judges. The preamble of the act complained in strong terms of the gross abuse of justice in the northern and western divisions of the realm,—more espe cially the Isles; it described the people as having become altogether savage, and provided that the new sheriffs for the north Isles should hold their courts in Inverness and Dingwall, and those for the south, in the Tarbet of Lochkilkerran. The in habitants of Dowart, Glendowart, and the lordship of Lorn, who for a long period had violently resisted the juris diction of the justice-ayres or ambu latory legal courts, were commanded to come to the justice-ayre at Perth, and the districts of Mawmor and Lochaber, which had insisted on the same exemption, were brought under the jurisdiction of the justice-ayre
4 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 239, 249.
1503-4.] JAMES IV. 273
of Inverness. The divisions of Bute, Arran, Knapdale, Cantire, and the larger Cumbrae, were to hold their courts at Ayr, whilst the deplorable condition of Argyle was marked by the words of the act, “ that the court is to be held wherever it is found that each Highlander and Lowlander may come without danger, and ask justice,” —a problem of no easy discovery. The districts of Ross and Caithness, now separated from the sheriffdom of Inverness, were placed under their own judges; and it was directed that the inhabitants of these three great divisions of the kingdom should as usual attend the justice-ayre of In verness.
It appears that, for the purpose of quieting the Lowland districts, the king had adopted a system, not un common in those times, of engaging the most powerful of the resident nobles and gentry in a covenant or “band,” which, under severe penal ties, obliged them to maintain order throughout the country. By such means the blessings of security and good government had been enjoyed by Dumfriesshire, a district hitherto much disturbed; and the Earl of Bothwell now earnestly recommended a similar method to be pursued in the reduction of Teviotdale.
In the same parliament a court of daily council was appointed, the judges of which were to be selected by the king, and to hold their sittings in Edinburgh. The object of this new institution was to relieve the lords of the “ Session “ of the confu sion and pressure of business which had arisen from the great accumula tion of cases, and to afford immediate redress to those poorer litigants whose matters had been delayed from year to year. The ferocity of feudal man ners and the gradual introduction of legal subtleties were strikingly blended in another law passed at this time, by which it was directed that no remis sions or pardons were hereafter to con tain a general clause for all offences, as it was found that by this form much abuse of justice had been intro duced. A ferocious ruffian, for ex-
VOL. II.
ample, who to the crime of murder had, as was generally the case, added many inferior offences, in purchasing his remission, was in the practice of stating only the minor delinquency, and afterwards pleading that the mur der was included under the pardon. It was now made imperative that, be fore any remission was granted, the highest offence should be ascertained, and minutely described in the special clause; it being permitted to the of fender to plead his remission for all crimes of a minor description. The usual interdiction was repeated against all export of money forth of the realm ; forty shillings being fixed as the maxi mum which any person might carry out of the country. The collection of the royal customs was more strictly insured: it was enjoined that the magistrates of all burghs should be annually changed; that no Scottish merchants should carry on a litigation beyond seas, in any court but that of the Conservator, who was to be as sisted by a council of six of the most able merchants, and was commanded to visit Scotland once every year. The burghs of the realm were amply secured in the possession of their ancient privileges, and warning was given to their commissaries or head- men, that when any tax was to be proposed, or contribution granted by the parliament, they should be care ful to attend and give their advice in that matter as one of the three estates of the realm,—a provision demonstrat ing the obsoleteness of some of the former laws upon this subject, and proving that an attendance upon the great council of the kingdom was still considered a grievance by the more laborious classes of the community. With regard to the higher landed pro prietors, they were strongly enjoined to take seisin, and enter upon the su periority of their lands, so that the vassals who held under them might not be injured by their neglect of this important legal solemnity; whilst every judge, who upon a precept from the Chancery had given seisin to any baron, was directed to keep an attested register of such proceeding in a court s
274 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
book, to be lodged in the Exche quer.
It appears by a provision of the same parliament that “ the green wood of Scotland” was then utterly destroyed, a remarkable change from the picture formerly given in this work of the extensive forests which once covered the face of the country. To remedy this, the fine for the felling or burning of growing timber was raised to five pounds, whilst it was ordered that every lord or laird in those dis tricts where there were no great woods or forests, should plant at the least one acre, and attempt to introduce a further improvement, by enclosing a park for deer, whilst he attended also to his warrens, orchards, hedges, and dovecots. All park-breakers and tres passers within the enclosures of a land holder were to be fined in the sum of ten pounds, and if the delinquency should be committed by a child, he was to be delivered by his parents to the judge, who was enjoined to ad minister corporal correction in propor tion to its enormity. In the quaint language of the act, “ the bairn is to be lashed, scourged, and dung accord ing to the fault.” All vassals, although it was a time of peace, were command ed to have their arms and harness in good order, to be inspected at the annual military musters or weapon- schawings. By an act passed in the year 1457 it had been recommended to the king, lords, and prelates to let their lands in “few farm;” but this injunction, which when followed was highly beneficial to the country, had fallen so much into disuse that its legality was disputed; it loosened the strict ties of the feudal system by per mitting the farmers and labourers to exchange their military services for the payment of a land rent; and although it promoted agricultural improvement, it was probably opposed by a large body of the barons, who were jealous of any infringement upon their privileges. The benefits of the system, however, were now once more recognised. It was declared lawful for the sovereign, his prelates, nobles, and landholders, to “ set their lands in few,” under any
condition which they might judge ex pedient, taking care, however, that by such leases the annual income of their estates should not be diminished to the prejudice of their successors. No cre ditor was to be permitted to seize for debt, or to order the sale of any in struments of agriculture; an equalisa tion of weights and measures was com manded to be observed throughout the realm; it was ordained that the most remote districts of the country, including the Isles, should be amen able to the same laws as the rest of the kingdom; severe regulations were passed for an examination into the proper qualifications of notaries; and an attempt was made to reduce the heavy expenses of litigation, and for the suppression of strong and idle paupers. The parliament concluded by introducing a law which materially affected its own constitution. All barons or freeholders, whose annual revenue was below the sum of one hundred marks of the new extent established in 1424, were permitted to absent themselves from the meeting of the three estates, provided they sent their procurators to answer for them, whilst all whose income was above that sum were, under the usual fine, to be compelled to attend.1
Such were the most remarkable provisions of this important meeting of the three estates, but in these times the difficulty did not so much consist in the making good laws as in carrying them into execution. This was par ticularly experienced in the case of the Isles, where the rebellion still raged with so much violence that it was found necessary to despatch a small naval squadron under Sir Andrew Wood and Robert Barton, two of the most skilful officers in the country, to co-operate with the land army, which was commanded by the Earl of Arran, lieutenant-general of the king.2 James, who at present meditated an expedition in person against the broken clans of Eskdale and Teviotdale, could not accompany his fleet further than
1 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 240-254.
2 Treasurer's Accounts, 1504. March 14.
1504-5.] JAMES IV. 275
Dumbarton.1 The facility with which Wood and Barton reduced the strong insular castle of Carneburgh, which had attempted to stand a siege, and compelled the insurgent chiefs to abandon their attempts at resistance, convinced him that in his attention to his navy he had not too highly esti mated its importance. Aware also of the uncommon energy with which the monarch directed his military and naval resources, and witnessing the rapidity with which delinquents were overtaken by the royal vengeance, Macleod, Maclan, and others of the most powerful of the Island lords, adopted the wiser policy of supporting the crown, being rewarded for their fidelity by sharing in the forfeited estates of the rebels.2
A temporary tranquillity having been thus established in the north, the king proceeded, at the head of a force which overawed all opposition, into Eskdale. Information was sent to the English monarch, requesting him to co-operate in this attempt to reduce the warlike Borderers, whose habits of plunder were prejudicial to the se curity of either country; and Lord Dacre, the warden, received his mas- ter’s instructions to meet the Scottish king and afford him every assistance. He repaired accordingly to James’s headquarters at Lochmaben, and pro ceedings against the freebooters of these districts were commenced with the utmost vigour and severity. None, however, knew better than James how to combine amusement with the weightier cares of government. He was attended in his progress by his huntsmen, falconers, morris dancers, and all the motley and various minions of his pleasures, as well as by his judges and ministers of the law; and whilst troops of the unfortunate ma rauders were seized and brought in irons to the encampment, executions and entertainments appear to have succeeded each other with extraordi nary rapidity.3 The severity of the
1 Treasurer’s Accounts, sub anno 1504. April 18, 30; May 6, 9, 10, and 11.
2 Ibid. 1504. May 7,11
3 Ibid. August 9, 1504; also under August
monarch to all who had disturbed the peace of the country was as remark able as his kindness and affability to the lowest of his subjects who respect ed the laws; and many of the fero cious Borderers, to whom the love of plunder had become a second nature, but who promised themselves im munity because they robbed within the English pale, lamented on the scaffold the folly of such anticipation. The Armstrongs, however, appear at this time to have made their peace with the crown,4 whilst the Jardines, and probably other powerful septs, purchased a freedom from minute in quiry by an active co-operation with the measures of the sovereign.
On his return from the “Raid of Eskdale " to Stirling, James scarcely permitted himself a month’s repose, which was occupied in attention to the state of his fleet, and in negotiation by mutual messengers with the Lord Aubigny in France, when he judged it necessary to make a progress across the Mounth as far as Forres, visiting Scone, Forfar, Aberdeen, and Elgin, inquiring into the state of this part of his dominions, scrutinising the conduct of his sheriffs and magistrates, and declaring his readiness to redress every grievance, were it sustained by the poorest tenant or labourer in his dominions.5
Soon after his return he received the unpleasant intelligence that disturb ances had again broken out in the Isles, which would require immediate interference. In 1504 great efforts had been made, but with little per manent success, and the progress of the insurrection became alarming. Macvicar, an envoy from Macleod, who was then in strict alliance with the king, remained three weeks at court: Maclan also had sent his emissaries to explain the perilous condition of the country; and, with his characteristic energy, the king, as soon as the state of the year permitted, despatched the
17,19, 20, 21, 23, 31. For the particulars see the entries on this expedition.
4 Treasurer’s Accounts, 1504, September 2.
5 Ibid. 1504, sub mense October. See also September 26.
276 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
Earl of Huntly to invade the Isles by the north, whilst himself in person led an army against them from the south; and John Barton proceeded with a fleet to reduce and overawe these savage districts.1 The terror of the royal name; the generosity with which James rewarded his adherents; and the vigorous measures which he adopt ed against the disaffected, produced a speedy and extensive effect in dissolv ing the confederacy. Maclean of Dow- art, Macquarrie of Ulva, with Macneill of Barra, and Mackinnon, offered their submission, and were received into fa vour; and the succeeding year (1506) witnessed the utter destruction of Torquil Macleod, the great head of the rebellion, whose castle of Stornoway in Lewis was stormed by Huntly; whilst Donald Dhu, the captive upon whose aged head his vassals had made this desperate attempt to place the crown of the Isles, escaping the gripe of the conqueror, fled to Ireland, where he soon after died.2
It was now proper for the monarch to look to his foreign relations, to seize the interval of peace at home, that he might strengthen his ties with the continent. France, the ally of Scot land, had been too constantly occu pied with hostilities in Italy, to take an interest in preventing the negoti ations for the marriage of the king to the Princess of England. The con quest of the Milanese by the arms of Lewis the Twelfth, in which Robert Stuart, lord of Aubigny, had distin guished himself, and the events which succeeded in the partition of the king dom of Naples between the Kings of France and Castile, concentrated the attention of both monarchs upon Italy, and rendered their intercourse with Britain less frequent. But when the
1 Treasurer's Accounts, 1505, September 6.
2 Nor whilst the Bartons, by their naval skill secured the integrity of the kingdom at home, did the monarch neglect their inte rests abroad. Some of their ships, which had been cruising against the English in 1497, had been seized and plundered on the coast of Brittany, and a remonstrance was addressed to Lewis the Twelfth by Panter, the royal secretary, which complained of the injustice, and insisted on redress. Epistolæ Regum Scotorum, vol. i. pp. 17, 18.
quarrel regarding the division of the kingdom of Naples broke out between Ferdinand and Lewis, in 1503, and the defeats of Seminara and Cerignola had established the superiority of the Spanish arms in Italy, negotiations be tween Lewis and the Scottish court appear to have been renewed. The causes of this were obvious. Henry the Seventh of England esteemed none of his foreign alliances so highly as that with Spain : his eldest son, Ar thur, had espoused Catharine the In fanta; and on the death of her hus band, a dispensation had been procured from the Pope for her marriage with his brother Henry, now Prince of Wales. It was evident to Lewis that his rupture with Spain was not unlikely to bring on a quar rel with England, and it became therefore of consequence to renew his negotiations with James the Fourth.
These, however, were not the only foreign cares which attracted the at tention of the king. In the autumn of the year 1505, Charles d’Egmont, duke of Gueldres, a prince of spirit and ability, who with difficulty main tained his dominions against the un just attacks of the Emperor Maxi milian, despatched his secretary on an embassy to the Scottish monarch, re questing his interference and support.3 Nor was this denied him. The duke had listened to the advice of the Scot tish prince when he requested him to withdraw his intended aid from the un fortunate Edmund de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, the representative of thehouse of York, who had sought a refuge at his court; and James now anxiously ex erted himself in his behalf. He treated his envoy with distinction; despatched an embassy to the duke, which, in passing through France, secured the assistance of Lewis the Twelfth, and so effectually remonstrated with Henry the Seventh and the Emperor Maxi milian, that all active designs against the duchy of Gueldres were for the present abandoned.4
3 Accounts of the High Treasurer, 1505, September 6.
4 Ibid. 1506, July 6 and 8. Epistolæ Regum Scotorum, vol. i. pp. 21, 30, 34.
1506-9.] JAMES IV. 277
In the midst of these transactions, and whilst the presence of Huntly, Barton, and the Scottish fleet was still necessary in the Isles, the more pacific parts of the country were filled with joy by the birth of a prince, which took place at Holyrood on the 10th of February 1506. None could testify greater satisfaction at this event than the monarch himself.1 He instantly despatched messengers to carry the news to the Kings of England, France, Spain, and Portugal; and on the 23d of February the baptism was held with magnificence in the chapel of Holyrood. The boy was named James, after his father; but the sanguine hopes of the kingdom were, within a year, clouded by his premature death.
At this conjuncture an embassy from Pope Julius the Second arrived at the court of Scotland. Alarmed at the increasing power of the French in Italy, this pontiff had united his strength with that of the Emperor Maximilian and the Venetians, to check the arms of Lewis, whilst he now attempted to induce the Scottish monarch to desert his ancient ally. The endeavour, however, proved fruit less. James, indeed, reverently re ceived the Papal ambassador, grate fully accepted the consecrated hat and sword which he presented, and loaded him and his suite with presents; he communicated also the intelligence which he had lately received from the King of Denmark, that his ally, the Czar of Muscovy, had intimated a de sire to be received into the bosom of the Latin Church; but he detected the political finesse of the warlike Julius, and remained steady to his alliance with France. Nay, scarcely had the ambassador left his court, when he proposed to send Lewis a body of four thousand auxiliaries to serve in his Italian wars,—an offer which the rapid successes of that monarch enabled him to decline.
Turning his attention from the con tinent to his affairs at home, the king
1 To the lady of the queen’s chamber, who brought him the first intelligence, he pre sented a hundred gold pieces and a cup of silver.
recognised with satisfaction the effects of his exertions in enforcing, by severity and indefatigable personal superintend ence, a universal respect for the laws. The husbandman laboured his lands in security, the merchant traversed the country with his goods, the foreign trader visited the marketsof thevarious burghs and seaports fearless of plunder or interruption; and so convinced wa3 the monarch of the success of his efforts, that, with a whimsical enthusiasm, he determined to put it to a singular test. Setting out on horseback, unac companied even by a groom, with no thing but his riding cloak cast about him, his hunting knife at his belt, and six-and-twenty pounds for his travel ling expenses in his purse, he rode, in a single day, from Stirling to Perth, across the Mounth, and through Aber deen to Elgin; whence, after a few hours’ repose, he pushed on to the shrine of St Duthoc in Ross, where he heard mass. In this feat of bold and solitary activity the unknown mon arch met not a moment’s interruption; and after having boasted, with an ex cusable pride, of the tranquillity to which he had reduced his dominions, he returned in a splendid progress to his palace at Stirling, accompanied by the principal nobles and gentry of the districts through which he passed.
Soon after, he despatched the Arch bishop of St Andrews and the Earl of Arran to the court of France, for the purpose of procuring certain privi leges regarding the mercantile inter course between the two countries, and to fix upon the line of policy which appeared best for their mutual interest regarding the complicated affairs of Italy. In that country an important change had taken place. The brilliant successes of the Venetians against the arms of Maximilian had alarmed the jealousy of Lewis, and led to an inac tivity on his part, which terminated in a total rupture ; whilst the peace concluded between the Emperor and James’s ally and relative, the Duke of Gueldres, formed, as is well known, the basis of the league of Cambrai, which united, against the single re public of Venice, the apparently irre-
278 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
sistible forces of the Pope, the Empe ror, and the Kings of France and Spain. For the purpose, no doubt, of induc ing the king to become a party to this powerful coalition, Lewis now sent the veteran Aubigny to the Scottish court, with the President of Toulouse;1 and the monarch, who loved the ambassa dor for his extraction, and venerated his celebrity in arms, received him with distinction. Tournaments were held in honour of his arrival; he was placed by the king in the highest seat at his own table, appealed to as su preme judge in the lists, and addressed by the title of Father of War. This eminent person had visited Scotland twenty-five years before, as ambassa dor from Charles the Eighth to James the Third; and it was under his aus pices that the league between the two countries was then solemnly renewed. He now returned to the land which contained the ashes of his ancestors, full of years and of honour; but it was only to mingle his dust with theirs, for he sickened almost immedi ately after his arrival, and died at Corstorphine.2
Another object of Lewis in this em bassy was to consult with James re garding the marriage of his eldest daughter, to whom Charles, king of Castile, then only eight years old, had been proposed as a husband. Her hand was also sought by Francis of Valois, dauphin of Vienne; and the French monarch declared that he could not decide on so important a question without the advice of his allies, of whom he considered Scotland both the oldest and the most friendly. To this James replied, that since his brother of France had honoured him by asking his advice, he would give it frankly as his opinion, that the prin cess ought to marry within her own realm of France, and connect herself rather with him who was
1 “ Vicesima prima Martii antedicti, Galliæ oratores, Dnus videlicet D’Aubeny et alter, supplicationum regiæ domus Magister, octo- ginta equis egregie comitati, urbuem ingressi snt, Scotiam petituri.”—Narratio Hist, de gestis Henrici VII. per Bernardum Andream Tholosatem. Cotton. MSS. Julius A. iii.
2 Lesley’s History, Bannatyne edit. p. 77.
to succeed to the crown than with any foreign potentate; this latter being a union out of which some colourable or pretended claim might afterwards be raised against the in tegrity and independence of his king dom. The advice was satisfactory, for it coincided with the course which Lewis had already determined to follow.
Happy in the affections of his sub jects, and gratified by observing an evident increase in the wealth and industry of the kingdom, the king found leisure to relax from the severer cares of government, and to gratify the inhabitants of the capital by one of those exhibitions of which he was fond even to weakness. A magnifi cent tournament was held at Edin burgh, in which the monarch enacted the part of the Wild Knight, attended by a troop of ferocious companions dis guised as savages; Sir Anthony d’Arsie and many of the French nobles who had formed the suite of Aubigny, were still at court, and bore their part in the pageant of Arthur and his Peers of the Round Table, whilst the prince attracted admiration by the uncom mon skill which he exhibited, and the rich gifts he bestowed ; but the pro fuse repetition of such expensive en tertainments soon reduced him to great difficulties.
The constant negotiation and inti macy between France and the Scottish court appear at this time to have roused the jealousy of Henry the Seventh. It required, indeed, no great acuteness in this cautious prince to anticipate the probable dissolution of the league of Cambrai, in which event he perhaps anticipated a revival of the ancient enmity of France, and the pos sible hostility of James. His suspicion was indicated by the seizure of the Earl of Arran and his brother, Sir Patrick Hamilton, who had passed through England to the court of Lewis, without the knowledge of Henry, and were now on their return. In Kent they were met by Vaughan, an emis sary of England; and, on their refusal to take an oath which bound them to the observation of peace with that
1509.] JAMES IV. 279
country, they were detained and com mitted to custody. To explain and justify his conduct, Henry despatched Dr West on a mission to the king, who resented the imprisonment of his sub jects, and declared that they had only fulfilled their duty in refusing the oath. He declined a proposal made for a personal interview with his royal father-in-law, insisted on the liberation of Arran, and on these con ditions agreed to delay, for the pre sent, any renewal of the league with France. The imprisoned nobles, how ever, were not immediately dismissed; and, probably in consequence of the delay, James considered himself re lieved from his promise.
The death of the English king oc curred not long after, an event which was unquestionably unfortunate for Scotland. His caution, command of temper, and earnest desire of peace, were excellent checks to the inconsi derate impetuosity of his son-in-law; nor, if we except, perhaps, the last- mentioned circumstance of the deten tion of Arran, can he be accused of a single act of injustice towards that kingdom, so long the enemy of Eng land. The accession of Henry the Eighth, on the other hand, although not productive of any immediate ill effects, drew after it, within no very distant period, a train of events inju rious in their progress, and most cala mitous in their issue. At first, indeed, all looked propitious and peaceful. The Scottish king sent his ambassador to congratulate his brother-in-law of England on his accession to the throne;1 and the youthful monarch, in the pleni tude of his joy on this occasion, pro fessed the most anxious wishes for the continuance of that amity between the kingdomswhich had been so sedulously cultivated by his father. The existing treaties were confirmed, and the two sovereigns interchanged their oaths for their observance ;2 nor, although so nearly allied to Spain by his marriage, did Henry seem at first to share in the jealousy of France which was enter tained by that power; on the contrary,
1 Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 572.
2 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xiii. pp. 261, 262.
even after the battle of Agnadillo had extinguished the hopes of the Vene tians, he did not hesitate to conclude a treaty of alliance with Lewis the Twelfth. All these fair prospects of peace, however, were soon destined to be overclouded by the pride and impe tuosity of a temper which hurried him into unjust and unprofitable wars.
In the meantime Scotland, under the energetic government of James, con tinued to increase in wealth and con sequence : her navy, that great arm of national strength, had become not only respectable, but powerful: no method of encouragement had been neglected by the king; and the success of his efforts was shewn by the fact, that one of the largest ships of war then known in the world was constructed and launched within his dominions. This vessel, which was named the Great Michael, appears to have been many years in building, and the king personally super intended the work with much perse verance and enthusiasm.3 The family of the Bartons, which for two genera tions had been prolific of naval com manders, were intrusted by this mon arch with the principal authority in all maritime and commercial matters: they purchased vessels for him on the continent, they invited into his king dom the most skilful foreign ship wrights ; they sold some of their own ships to the king, and vindicated the honour of their flag whenever it was insulted, with a readiness and severity of retaliation which inspired respect and terror. The Hollanders had at-
3 Her length was two hundred and forty feet, her breadth fifty-six to the water’s edge, but only thirty-six within ; her sides, which were ten feet in thickness, were proof against shot. In these days ships carried guns only on the upper deck, and the Great Michael, notwithstanding these gigantic dimensions, could boast of no more than thirty-five—six teen on each side, two in the stern, and one in the bow. She was provided, however, with three hundred small artillery, under the names of myaud, culverins, and double-dogs; whilst her complement was three hundred seamen, besides officers, a hundred and twenty gunners, and a thousand soldiers. M’Pherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 42. The minuteness of these details, which are extracted from authentic documents, may be pardoned upon a subject so important as the navy.
280 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
tacked a small fleet of Scottish mer chantmen,—plundering the cargoes, murdering the crews, and throwing the bodies into the sea. The affair was probably piratical, for it was fol lowed by no diplomatic remonstrance ; but an exemplary vengeance followed the offence. Andrew Barton was in stantly despatched with a squadron, which captured many of the pirates ; and, in the cruel spirit of the times, the admiral commanded the hogsheads which were stowed in the hold of his vessels to be filled with the heads of the prisoners, and sent as a present to his royal master.1
So far back as 1476, in consequence of the Bartons having been plundered by a Portuguese squadron, letters of reprisal were granted them, under the protection of which, there seems rea son to believe, that they more than indemnified themselves for their losses. The Portuguese, whose navy and com merce were at this time the richest and most powerful in the world, re taliated; and, in 1507, the Lion, com manded by John Barton, was seized at Campvere, in Zealand, and its com mander thrown into prison. The sons of this officer, however, having pro cured from James a renewal of their letters of reprisal, fitted out a squad ron, which intercepted and captured at various times many richly-laden carracks returning from the Portu guese settlements in India and Africa; and the unwonted apparition of blacka moors at the Scottish court, and sable empresses presiding over the royal tournaments, is to be traced to the spirit and success of the Scottish pri vateers.
The consequence of this earnest at tention to his fleet, was the securing an unusual degree of tranquillity at home. The Islanders were kept down by a few ships of war more effectually than by an army; and James acquired at the same time an increasing autho rity amongst his continental allies. By his navy he had been able to give assistance on more than one occasion to his relative the King of Denmark ; and while the navy of England was
1 Lesley’s History, Bannatyne edit. p. 74,
still in its infancy, that of the sister country had risen, under the judicious care of the monarch, to a respectable rank, although far inferior to the armaments of the leading navigators of Europe, the Spaniards, the Portu guese, and the Venetians.
It was at this period that the me morable invention of printing—that art which, perhaps, more than any other human discovery, has changed the condition and the destinies of the world—found its way into Scotland, under the auspices of Walter Chep- man, a servant of the king’s household.2 Two years before, the skill and ingenu ity of Chepman appear to have at tracted the notice of his royal master; and as James was a friend to letters, and an enthusiast in every new inven tion, we may believe that he could not view this astonishing art with in difference. We know that he pur chased books from the typographer; and that a royal patent to exercise his mystery was granted to the artist; the original of which still exists amongst our national records. The art, as is well known, had been im ported into England by Caxton as early as the year 1474. Yet more than thirty years elapsed before it penetrated into Scotland,—a tardiness to be partly accounted for by the strong principle of concealment and monopoly.
Amidst all these useful cares, the character of the monarch, which could no longer plead for its excuse the levity or thoughtlessness of youth, exhibited many inconsistencies. He loved his youthful queen with much apparent tenderness, yet he was unable to renounce that indiscriminate ad miration of beauty, and devotion to pleasure, which, in defiance of public decency and moral restraint, sought its gratification equally amongst the highest and lowest ranks of society. He loved his people, and would, in the ardent generosity of his disposition, have suffered any personal privation to have saved the meanest of his subjects
2 He printed in the year 1508 a small volume of pamphlets, and soon after, the “ Breviary of Aberdeen,”
1509-12.] JAMES IV. 281
from distress; but his thoughtless prodigality to every species of em piric, to jesters, dancers, and the lowest retainers about his court, with his devotion to gambling, impover ished his exchequer, and drove him in his distresses to expedients which his better reason lamented and aban doned. Large sums of money also were expended in the idle pursuits of alchemy, and the equally vain and expensive endeavours for the discovery of gold mines in Scotland : often, too, in the midst of his labours, his plea sures, and his fantastic projects, the monarch was suddenly seized with a fit of ascetic penitence, at which times he would shut himself up for many days with his confessor, resolve on an expedition to Jerusalem, or take a solitary pilgrimage on foot to some favourite shrine, where he wept over his sins, and made resolutions of amendment, which, on his return to the world, were instantly forgotten. Yet all this contradiction and thought lessness of mind was accompanied by so much kindliness, accessibility, and warm and generous feeling, that the people forgot or pardoned it in a prince, who, on every occasion, shewed him self their friend.
It was now two years since the accession of Henry the Eighth to the crown; and the aspect of affairs in England began to be alarming. The youthful ambition of the English king had become dazzled with the idle vision of the conquest of France ; he already pondered on the danger ous project of imitating the career of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth; whilst such was the affection of James for his ally, that any enter prise for the subjugation of that kingdom was almost certain to draw after it a declaration of war against the aggressor. Nor were there want ing artful and insidious friends, who, to accomplish their own ends, en deavoured to direct the arms of Henry against Lewis. Pope Julius the Second and Ferdinand of Spain having gained the object they had in view by the league of Cambrai, had seceded from that coalition, and were now anxious
to check the successes of the French in Italy. The pontiff, with the violence which belonged to his character, left no measure unattempted to raise a powerful opposition against a monarch whose arms, under Gaston de Foix and the Chevalier Bayard, were everywhere triumphant; and well aware that au invasion of France by Henry must operate as an immediate diversion, he exhausted all his policy to effect it: he at the same time succeeded in de taching the emperor and the Swiss from the league; and the result of these efforts was a coalition as formid able in every respect as that which had been arrayed so lately against the Venetians. Julius, who scrupled not to command his army in person, Fer dinand of Spain, Henry the Eighth, and the Swiss republics, determined to employ their whole strength in the expulsion of the French from the Italian states; and Lewis, aware of the ruin which might follow any at tempt to divide the forces of his king dom, found himself under the neces sity of recalling his troops, and aban doning the possessions which had cost him so many battles.
These transactions were not seen by James without emotion. Since the commencement of his reign, his alli ance with France had been cordial and sincere. A lucrative commercial intercourse, and the most friendly ties between the sovereigns and the nobil ity of the two countries, had produced a mutual warmth of national attach ment; the armies of France had re peatedly been commanded by Scots men ; and, throughout the long course of her history, whenever Scotland had been menaced or attacked by England, she had calculated without disappoint ment upon the assistance of her ally. As to the wisdom of this policy upon the part of her sovereigns, it would now be idle to inquire ; it being too apparent that, except where her in dependence as a nation was threatened, that kingdom had everything to lose and nothing to gain by a war with the sister country. But these were not the days in which the folly of a war of territorial conquest was recognised by
282 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
European monarchs; and the gallantry of the Scottish prince disposed him to enter with readiness into the quarrel of Lewis. We find him accordingly engaged in the most friendly corres pondence with this sovereign, request ing permission, owing to the failure of the harvest, to import grain from France, and renewing his determin ation to maintain in the strictest man ner the ties of amity and support.
At this crisis an event happened which contributed in no small degree to fan the gathering flame of animosity against England. Protected by their letters of reprisal, and preserving, as it would appear, a hereditary ani mosity against the Portuguese, the Bartons had fitted out some privateers, which scoured the Western Ocean, took many prizes, and detained and searched the English merchantmen under the pretence that they had Portuguese goods on board. It is well known that at this period, and even so late as the days of Drake and Cavendish, the line between piracy and legitimate warfare was not pre cisely defined, and there is reason to suspect that the Scottish merchants having found the vindication of their own wrongs and the nation’s honour a profitable speculation, were dis posed to push their retaliation to an extent so far beyond the individual losses they had suffered, that their hostilities became almost piratical. So, at least, it appeared to the Eng lish : and it is said that the Earl of Surrey, on hearing of some late ex cesses of the privateers, declared that “the narrow seas should not be so infested whilst he had an estate that could furnish a ship, or a son who was able to command it.” He accordingly fitted out two men-of-war, which he intrusted to his sons, Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Edward Howard, afterwards Lord High-admiral; and this officer having put to sea, had the fortune to fall in with Andrew Bar ton, in the Downs, as he was return ing from a cruise on the coast of Portugal. The engagement which followed was obstinately contested: Barton commanded his own ship, the
Lion; his other vessel was only an armed pinnace: but both fought with determined valour till the Scottish admiral was desperately wounded; it is said that even then this bold and experienced seaman continued to en courage his men with his whistle,1 till receiving a cannon shot in. the body, it dropped from his hand, and he fell dead upon the deck. His ships were then boarded, and carried into the Thames; the crews, after a short im prisonment, being dismissed, but the vessels detained as lawful prizes. It was not to be expected that James should tamely brook this loss sustained by his navy, and the insult offered to his flag in a season of peace. Barton was a personal favourite, and one of his ablest officers; whilst the Lion, the vessel which had been taken, was only inferior in size to the Great Harry, at that time the largest ship of war which belonged to England. Rothesay herald was accordingly des patched on the instant, with a re monstrance and a demand for redress; but the king had now no longer to ne gotiate with the cautious and pacific Henry the Seventh, and his impetuous successor returned no gentler answer than that the fate of pirates ought never to be a matter of dispute among princes.
It happened unfortunately that at this moment another cause of irrita tion existed : Sir Robert Ker, an officer of James’s household, master of his artillery, and warden of the middle marches, having excited the animosity of the Borderers by what they deemed an excessive rigour, was attacked and slain by three Englishmen named Lil- burn, Starhead, and Heron.2 This happened in the time of Henry the Seventh, by whom Lilburn was deliv ered to the Scots, whilst Starhead and Heron made their escape ; but such
1 Lesley, Bannatyne edition, pp. 82, 83. Pinkerton, ii. 69, 70. A gold whistle was, in England, the emblem of the office of High- admiral. Kent’s Illustrious Seamen, vol. i. p. 519.
2 The name as given by Buchanan (book xiii. c. 26) is Starhead. Starhedus. Pinker- ton (vol. ii. p. 71) has Sarked ; but he gives no authority for the change,
1512.] JAMES IV. 283
was the anxiety of the English king to banish every subject of complaint, that he arrested Heron, the brother of the murderer, and sent him in fet ters to Scotland. After some years Lilburn died in prison, whilst Star- head and his accomplice stole forth from their concealment; and trusting that all would be forgotten under the accession of a new monarch, began to walk more openly abroad. But An drew Ker, the son of Sir Robert, was not thus to be cheated of his revenge: two of his vassals sought out Star- head’s residence during the night, although it was ninety miles from the Border, and, breaking into the house, murdered him in cold blood; after which they sent his head to their master, who exposed it, with all the ferocity of feudal exultation, in the most conspicuous part of the capital,— a proceeding which appears to have been unchecked by James, whilst its summary and violent nature could hardly fail to excite the indignation of Henry. There were other sources of animosity in the assistance which the English monarch had afforded to the Duchess of Savoy against the Duke of Gueldres, the relative and ally of his brother-in-law, in the au dacity with which his cruisers had attacked and plundered a French ves sel which ran in for protection to an anchorage off the coast of Ayr, and the manifest injustice with which he refused to deliver to his sister, the Queen of Scotland, a valuable legacy of jewels which had been left her by her father’s will.
Such being the state of affairs be tween the two countries, an envoy appeared at the Scottish court with letters from the Pope, whilst nearly about the same time arrived the am bassadors of England, France, and Spain. Henry, flattered by the adula tion of Julius, who greeted him with the title of Head of the Italian League, had now openly declared war against France; and anxious to be safe on the side of Scotland, he condescended to express his regret, and to offer satis faction for any violations of the peace. But James detected the object of this
tardy proposal, and refused to accede to it. To the message of the King of France he listened with affectionate deference, deprecated the injustice of the league which had been formed against him, and spoke with indigna tion of the conduct of England, regret ting only the schism between Lewis and the See of Rome, which he de clared himself anxious by every means to remove. Nor were these mere words of goodwill: he despatched his uncle, the Duke of Albany, as ambas sador to the emperor, to entreat him to act as a mediator between the Pope and the King of France, whilst the Bishop of Moray proceeded on the same errand to that country,1 and afterwards endeavoured to instil pacific feelings into the College of Cardinals, and the Marquis of Mantua.
To the proposals of the ambassador of Ferdinand, who laboured to engage him in the Papal league against Lewis, it was answered by the king, that his only desire was to maintain the peace of Christendom; and so earnest were his endeavours upon this subject, that he advised the summoning of a general council for the purpose of deliberating upon the likeliest methods of carrying his wishes into effect. To secure the co- operation of Denmark, Sir Andrew Brownhill was deputed to that court, and letters which strongly recommend ed the healing of all divisions, and the duty of forgiveness, were addressed to the warlike Julius. It was too late, however : hostilities between France and the Papal confederates had begun; and James, aware that his own king dom would soon be involved in war, made every effort to meet the emer gency with vigour. His levies were conducted on a great scale; and we learn from the contemporary letter of the English envoy then in Scotland, that the country rung with the din of preparation : armed musters were held in every part of the kingdom, not ex cepting the Isles, now an integral por tion of the state : ships were launched —forests felled to complete those on the stocks—Borthwick, the master gunner, was employed in casting can-
1 Epistolœ Reg, Scot. vol. i. pp. 126-128.
284 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
non; Urnebrig, a German, in the manufacture of gunpowder : the Great Michael was victualled and cleared out for sea : the castles in the interior dismantled of their guns, that they might be used in the fleet or the army : and the ablest sea officers and mariners collected in the various sea ports.1 In the midst of these pre parations the king visited every quar ter in person—mingled with his sailors and artisans, and took so constant an interest in everything connected with his fleet, that it began to be rumoured he meant to command it in person. Yet whilst such was the hostile ac tivity exhibited throughout the coun try, negotiations with England were continued, and both monarchs made mutual professions of their desire to maintain peace; Henry in ail proba bility with insincerity, and James cer tainly only to gain time. It was at this time that the Scottish queen gave birth to a prince in the palace of Lin- lithgow, on the 1Oth of April 1512; who afterwards succeeded to the throne by the title of James the Fifth.2
Early in the year 1512, Lord Dacre and Dr West arrived as ambassadors from England, and were received with a studied courtesy, which seemed only intended to blind them to the real de signs of Scotland. Their object was to prevail on the king to renew his oath regarding the peace with Eng land; to prevent the sailing of the fleet to the assistance of the French; and to offer, upon the part of their master, his oath for the observation of an inviolable amity with his bro ther.3 But the efforts of the English diplomatists were successfully counter acted by the abilities of the French ambassador, De la Motte : they de parted, with splendid presents indeed, for the king delighted in shewing his generosity even to his enemies, but without any satisfactory answer; and James, instead of listening to Henry, renewed the league with France, con senting to the insertion of a clause which, in a spirit of foolish and ro-
1 Treasurer's Accounts, 1511,1512.
2 Lesley, p. 84. 3 Ibid. p. 85,
mantic devotion, bound himself and his subjects to that kingdom by stricter ties than before.4 About the same time an abortive attempt by the Scots to make themselves masters of Ber wick, and an attack of a fleet of Eng lish merchantmen by De la Motte, who sunk three, and carried seven in triumph into Leith, must be considered equivalent to a declaration of war. Barton, too, Falconer, Mathison, and other veteran sea officers, received or ders to be on the lookout for English ships; and, aware of the importance of a diversion on the side of Ireland, a league was entered into with 0’Don- nel, prince of Connal, who visited the Scottish court, and took the oath of homage to James : Duncan Campbell, one of the Highland chiefs, engaged at the same time to procure some Irish vessels to join the royal fleet— which it was now reckoned would amount to sixteen ships of war, be sides smaller craft; a formidable ar mament for that period, and likely, when united to the squadron of the King of France, to prove, if skilfully commanded, an overmatch for the navy of England. Yet James’s preparations, with his other sources of profusion, had so completely impoverished his exchequer, that it became a question whether he would be able to maintain the force which he had fitted out. In a private message sent to Lord Dacre, the Treasurer of Scotland appears to have stated that a present from Henry of five thousand angels, and the pay ment of the disputed legacy, which with much injustice was still with held, might produce a revolution in his policy;5 and it is certain that, on the arrival of letters from Lewis, in stigating Scotland to declare war, the reply of the monarch pleaded the im possibility of obeying the injunction unless a large annuity was remitted by France. The Borderers, however, of both countries had already com-
4 MS. Leagues, Harleian, 1244, pp. 115,116.
5 Letter, Lord Dacre to the Bishop of Dur ham, 17th of August. Caligula, b. iii. 3, quoted by Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 78. Also Letter, John Ainslow to the Bishop of Dur ham, 11th of September, Caligula, b. vi. 22.
1512-13.] JAMES IV. 285
menced hostilities; and Robert Barton, acting under his letters of reprisal, and scouring the narrow seas, came into Leith, after a successful cruise, with thirteen English prizes.1
In their mutual professions of a desire for peace, both governments appear to have been insincere : Henry had determined to signalise his arms by the reconquest of Guienne, and only wished to gain time for the em barkation of his army; James, shut ting his eyes to the real interests of his kingdom, allowed a devotion to Lewis, and a too violent resentment for the insult offered to his fleet, to direct his policy. To concentrate his strength, however, required delay. Re peated messages passed between the two courts; the Scottish prince, by his ambassador, Lord Drummond, even proceeded so far as to offer to Henry a gratuitous remission of all the late injuries sustained by his subjects, pro vided that monarch would abandon the confederacy against France;2 and although the proposal was rejected, Dr West again proceeded on an em bassy to Scotland, of which his original letters have left us some interesting particulars. He found the king en grossed in warlike preparations, yet visited for the moment by one of his temporary fits of penance, in which he projected an expedition to Jerusalem, animated equally by a romantic desire of signalising his prowess against the infidels, and a hope of expiating the guilt which he had incurred in appear ing in arms against his father. He had been shut up for a week in the church of the Friars Observants at Stirling; but the effect of this reli gious retirement seems to have been the reverse of pacific. He expressed himself with the utmost bitterness against the late warlike pontiff, Julius the Second, then recently deceased; declaring that, had he lived, he would have supported a council even of three bishops against him. He had resolved to send Forman, the Bishop of Moray, and the chief author of the war against England, as ambassador to Leo the
1 Lesley, Bannatyne edit. p. 85. 2 Rymer, Fœdera, vol. xiii. pp, 347. 348.
Tenth, the new Pope; and it was re ported that Lewis had secured the services of this able and crafty prelate by the promise of a cardinal’s hat. To Henry’s offers of redress for the infrac tions of the truce, provided the Scot tish monarch would remain inactive during the campaign against France, he replied that he would not proceed to open hostilities against England without previously sending a declara tion by a herald; so that if the king fulfilled his intention of passing into France with his army, ample time should be allowed him to return for the defence of his kingdom. It was unequivocally intimated that peace with France was the only condition upon which an amicable correspon dence could be maintained between the two kingdoms; and amongst minor subjects of complaint, Henry’s conti nued refusal to send his sister’s jewels was exposed in a spirited letter from that princess, which was delivered by Dr West on his return.3
La Motte soon after again arrived from France with a small squadron laden with provisions for the Scottish fleet, besides warlike stores and rich presents to the king and his principal nobles. About the same time the King of Denmark sent several ships into Scotland freighted with arms, harness, and ammunition; and 0’Don- nel, the Irish potentate, visited the court in person to renew his offers of assistance against England. But an artful proceeding of Anne of Brittany, the consort of Lewis, had, it was be lieved, a greater effect in accelerating the war than either the intrigues of the Bishop of Moray or the negotia tions of La Motte. This princess, who understood the romantic weakness of the Scottish king, addressed to him an epistle conceived in a strain of high- flown and amorous complaint. She described herself as an unhappy dam sel, surrounded by danger, claimed his protection from the attacks of a trea-
3 West to Henry, 1st April, MS, Letter, Brit. Mus. Calig. b. vi. 56. This letter is now printed in “ Illustrations of Scottish His tory,” (pp. 76-89,) presented by Moses Steven, Esq., to the Maitland Club.
286 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
cherous monarch, and sent him, not only a present of fourteen thousand crowns, but the still more tender gift of â ring from her own finger—a token to her faithful knight upon whose ready aid she implicitly relied. She concluded her letter by imploring him to advance, were it but three steps, into English ground for the sake of his mistress, as she had already suf fered much misconstruction in defence of his honour, and in excusing the de lay of his expedition.1 To another monarch than James an appeal like this would have been only excusable at a court pageant or a tournament; but such was his high-wrought sense of honour, that there can be little doubt it accelerated his warlike move ments; and when, soon after its de livery, intelligence arrived of the pas sage of the English army to France, and the opening of the war by Henry the Eighth in person, he at once con sidered all negotiation as at an end, issued his writs for a general muster of the whole force of his dominions, and ordered every ship in his service to put to sea.
The fleet which assembled evinces that the efforts of the king to create a navy had been eminently successful. It consisted of thirteen great ships, all of them, in the naval phraseology of the times, with three tops, besides ten smaller vessels, and a ship of Lynne lately captured. In addition to these there was the Great Michael, a thirty- oared galley which belonged to her, and two ships, the Margaret and the James, which, although damaged in a late gale, were now repaired and ready to put to sea. Aboard this fleet was embarked a force of three thousand men, under the command of the Earl of Arran, a nobleman of limited ex perience in the art of war; one of the principal captains of the fleet was Gordon of Letterfury,2 a son of the Earl of Huntly; but unfortunately Arran’s higher feudal rank and his title of Generalissimo included an au thority over the fleet as well as the army, and this circumstance drew
1 Lindsay, p. 171. Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 87. 2 Lesley, p. 87.
after it disastrous consequences. Why James should not have appointed some of his veteran sea officers—Barton, Wood, or Falconer—to conduct a navy of which he was so proud to its des tination in France, is not easily dis coverable, but it probably arose out of some hereditary feudal right which entailed upon rank a command due only to skill, and for which it soon appeared that the possessor was utterly incompetent.
Instead of obeying the orders which he had received from the king, who, with the object of encouraging his sea men, embarked in the Great Michael, and remained on board for some time, Arran conducted the fleet to Carrickfergus, in Ireland, landed his troops, and stormed the town with much barbarity, sparing neither age nor sex.3 The reckless brutality with which the city was given up to the unlicensed fury of the soldiery would at all times have been blamable, but at this moment it was committed dur ing a time of peace, and against the express promise of the king; yet such was the folly or simplicity of the per petrator, that, with the spirit of a suc cessful freebooter, he did not hesitate to put his ships about and return to Ayr with his plunder. Incensed to the utmost by such conduct, and dread ing that his delay might totally frus trate the object of the expedition, James despatched Sir Andrew Wood to supersede Arran in the command ; but misfortune still pursued his mea sures, and before this experienced sea man could reach the coast the fleet had again sailed. Over the future his tory of an armament which was the boast of the sovereign, and whose equipment had cost the country an immense sum for those times, there rests a deep obscurity. That it reached France is certain, and it is equally clear that only a few ships ever re turned to Scotland. Of its exploits nothing has been recorded—a strong presumptive proof that Arran’s future conduct in no way redeemed the folly of his commencement. The war, in deed, between Henry and Lewis was 3 Pinkerton’s Scottish Poems, vol. i. p. 150.
1513.] JAMES IV. ’ 287
so soon concluded, that little time was given for naval enterprise, and the solitary engagement by which it was distinguished (the battle of Spurs) appears to have been fought before the Scottish forces could join the French army. With regard to the final fate of the squadron, the proba bility seems to be that, after the defeat at Flodden, part, including the Great Michael, were purchased by the French government; part arrived in a shat tered and disabled state in Scotland, whilst others which had been fitted out by merchant adventurers, and were only commissioned by the government, pursued their private courses, and are lost sight of in the public transactions of the times. But we must turn from these unsatisfying conjectures to the important and still more disastrous events which were passing in Scot land.
Although the war was condemned by the wisest heads amongst his coun cil, and the people, with the exception of the Borderers, whose trade was plunder, deprecated the interruption of their pacific labours, so great was the popularity of the king, that from one end of the country to the other his summons for the muster of his army was devotedly obeyed. The Lowland counties collected in great strength, and from the Highlands and the re motest Isles the hardy inhabitants hastened under their several chiefs to join the royal banner. The Earl of Argyle, Maclan of Ardnamurchan, Maclean of Dowart, and Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurcha, with many other barons, led their clansmen and vassals to support the quarrel of their sovereign, and within a short period James saw himself at the head of an army, which at the lowest computation was a hundred thousand strong.
On the same day in which his fleet had sailed, a herald was despatched to France, who found the English monarch in his camp before Terouen, and de livered a letter, of which the tone was calculated to incense a milder monarch than Henry. It dwelt with some ex aggeration upon the repeated injuries and insults which James had received
from his brother-in-law. It accused him of refusing a safe-conduct to his ambassador, (a proceeding worthy only of an infidel power;) it upbraided him with a want of common justice and affection in withholding from his sister, the Queen of Scotland, the jewels and the legacy which had been left her by her father ;1 it asserted that the con duct of England, in a late meeting of the commissioners of the two countries on the Borders, had been deficient in honour and good faith; that Heron, the murderer of a Scottish baron, who was dear to the king, was protected in that country; that Scottish subjects in time of peace had been carried off in fetters across the Border; that Au- drew Barton had been slaughtered, and his ships unjustly captured by Henry’s admiral; whilst that prince not only refused all redress, but shewed the contempt with which he treated the demand by declaring war against James’s relative, the Duke of Gueldres, and now invading the dominions of his friend and ally, the King of France. Wherefore, it concluded, “We require you to desist from further hostilities against this most Christian prince, cer tifying your highness that in case of refusal we shall hold ourselves bound to assist him by force of arms, and to compel you to abandon the pursuit of so unjust a war.”2
On perusing this letter, Henry broke out into an expression of ungovern able rage, and demanded of the Scot tish envoy whether he would carry a verbal answer to his master. “Sir,” said the Lion herald, “I am his na tural subject, and what he commands me to say that must I boldly utter; but it is contrary to my allegiance to report the commands of others. May it please your highness, therefore, to send an answer in writing—albeit the matter requires deeds rather than words—since it is the king my mas- ter’s desire that you should straightway
1 Ellis’s Letters, first series, vol. i. p. 64.— Queen Margaret to Henry the Eighth.
2 These are not the exact words, but a pa raphrase of the conclusion of the letter which exists in the British Museum. Caligula, b. vi. 49, 50. It has been printed by Holin- shed. p. 135.
288 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
return home.” “That shall I do,” replied Henry, “at mine own pleasure, and not at your sovereign’s bidding,” adding many injurious reflections upon the broken faith and treachery of the Scottish king; to which the herald replied, as he had been in structed, by a denunciation of war. It was thought proper, however, that a graver answer should be sent to James’s remonstrance, and a letter was forthwith drawn up which in violence exceeded it; but as the herald was detained on his return in Flan ders, and did not reach Scotland till after the fatal result of Flodden, it was never delivered to the king.1
The English monarch boasted, on being informed of James’s resolution, that he had left the task of defending his dominions to a noble person who knew well how to execute it with fidelity, and he now addressed his orders to the Earl of Surrey, enjoin ing him with all expedition to sum mon the array of the northern coun ties, and to hold himself in readiness to resist the invasion. It was, indeed, high time to accelerate his levies, for Home, the Lord-chamberlain, at the head of a force of eight thousand men, had already burst across the English Border, and after laying waste the country, was returning home with his booty. A long interval of peace, how ever, had been followed, as usual, by a decay of military skill amongst the Scots. The chamberlain neglecting his discipline, forgot to push on his pickets, but marching in a confused mass, embarrassed by the cattle which he drove before him, and thoughtless of an enemy, was surprised and de feated with great slaughter at a pass called the Broomhouse, by Sir William Bulmer. The action was, as usual,
1 “We cannot greatly marvel,” says Henry to James, “ considering the auncient accus- tumable manners of your progenitors whiche never kept longer faithe and promise than pleased them. . . . And if the example of the King of Navarre being exclused from his realme for the assistance given to the French King cannot restrain you from this unna tural dealing, we suppose ye shall have the assistance of the said French King as the King of Navarre hath nowe, who is a king without a realme.”—Holinshed, p. 139.
decided by the English archers, who, concealing themselves in the tall furze with which the place abounded, struck down the Scottish companies by an unexpected discharge of their arrows.2 This being often repeated, the confusion of their ranks became irrecoverable, and the English horse breaking in upon them gained an easy victory. Five hundred were slain upon the spot, and their leader compelled to fly for his life, leaving his banner on the field, and his brother, Sir George Home, with four hundred men prisoners in the hands of the English. The remainder, con sisting of Borderers more solicitous for the preservation of their booty than their honour, dispersed upon the first alarm, and the whole affair was far from creditable to the Scots. So much was the king incensed and mortified by the result of this action, that his mind, already resolved on war, became impatient to wipe out the stain inflicted on the national honour, and he determined instantly to lead his army in person against England.
This was a fatal resolve, and ap peared full of rashness and danger to his wisest councillors, who did not scruple to advise him to protract hos tilities. The queen earnestly besought him to spare her the unnatural spec tacle of seeing her husband arrayed in mortal contest against her brother; and when open remonstrance produced no effect, other methods were employed to work upon the superstition which formed so marked a feature in the royal mind. At Linlithgow, a few days before he set out for his army, whilst attending vespers in the church of St Michael, adjacent to his palace, a venerable stranger of a stately appear ance entered the aisle where the king knelt; his head was uncovered, his hair, parted over his forehead, flowed down his shoulders, his robe was blue, tied round his loins with a linen girdle, and there was an air of majesty about him, which inspired the be holders with awe. Nor was this feel-
2 Holinshed, edit. 1803, p. 471. Hall, p. 556.
1513.] JAMES IV. 289
ing decreased when the unknown visitant walked up to the king, and leaning over the reading-desk where he knelt, thus addressed him : “ Sir, I am sent to warn thee not to proceed in thy present undertaking—for if thou dost, it shall not fare well either with thyself or those who go with thee. Further, it hath been enjoined me to bid thee shun the familiar society and counsels of women, lest they occasion thy disgrace and de struction.” The boldness of these words, which were pronounced aud ibly, seemed to excite the indigna tion neither of the king nor those around him. All were struck with superstitious dread, whilst the figure, using neither salutation nor reverence, retreated and vanished amongst the crowd. Whither he went, or how he disappeared, no one, when the first feelings of astonishment had subsided, could tell; and although the strictest inquiry was made, all remained a mystery. Sir David Lindsay and Sir James Inglis, who belonged to the household of the young prince, stood close beside the king when the stranger appeared, and it was from Lindsay that Buchanan received the story.1 The most probable conjecture seems to be, that it was a stratagem of the queen, of which it is likely the monarch had some suspicion, for it produced no change in his purpose, and the denunciation of the danger of female influence was disregarded.
On arriving at headquarters, James was flattered with the evidence he had before him of the affectionate loyalty of his subjects. The war was un popular with the nobles, yet such was the strength with which the Lowland counties had mustered, and the readi ness with which the remotest districts had sent their vassals, that he saw him self at the head of a noble army, ad mirably equipped, and furnished with a train of artillery superior to that which had been brought into the field by any former monarch of Scotland. Leaving his capital, and apparently without having formed any definite
1 Buchanan, xiii. 31. Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 96.
VOL. II.
plan of operations, the monarch en tered England on the 22d of August; encamping that night on the banks of the river Till, a tributary stream to the Tweed.2 Here he seems to have remained inactive for two days; and on the 24th, with the view of encour aging his army, he passed an act, that the heirs of all who fell in the present campaign should not be subject to the common feudal fines, but should be free from the burdens of “ ward, relief or marriage,” without regard to age.3 The proclamation is dated at Twisel- haugh, and from this place he moved down the side of the Tweed, and in vested the castle of Norham, which surrendered after a siege of a week. He then proceeded up the Tweed to Wark, of which he made himself master with equal ease; and advanc ing for a few miles, delayed some pre cious days before the towers of Etal and Ford—enterprises unworthy of his arms, and more befitting the raid of a Border freebooter, than the efforts of a royal army. At Ford, which was stormed and razed,3 Lady Heron, a beautiful and artful woman, the wife of Sir William Heron, who was still a prisoner in Scotland, became James’s captive; and the king, ever the slave of beauty, is said to have resigned him self to her influence, which she em ployed to retard his military operations. Time was thus given for the Eng lish army to assemble. Had Douglas or Randolph commanded the host, they would have scoured and laid waste the whole of the north of England within the period that the monarch had already wasted; but James’s mili tary experience did not go beyond the accomplishments of a tournament; and although aware that his army was en camped in a barren country, where they must soon become distressed, he idled away his days till the oppor tunity was past.
Whilst such was the course pursued by the king, the Earl of Surrey, con 2 Lord Herbert’s Life of Henry the Eighth, Kennet, vol. ii. p. 18. Hall says the army amounted to a hundred thousand men.
3 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 278. 4 Weber’s Flodden Field, pp. 186,187. T
290 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
centrating the strength of the northern counties, soon raised an army of twenty- six thousand men; and marching through Durham, received there the sacred banner of St Cuthbert. He was soon after joined by Lord Dacre, Sir William Buhner, Sir Marmaduke Constable, and other northern barons; and on proceeding to Alnwick, was met by his son, Lord Thomas Howard, who on the death of his brother, Sir Edward, had succeeded him in the office of Lord High-admiral of Eng land, with a reinforcement of live thou sand men.1 On advancing with this united force, Surrey despatched Rouge Croix herald to carry his challenge to the King of Scots, which was couched in the usual stately terms of feudal defiance. It reproached him with hav ing broken his faith and league, which had been solemnly pledged to the King of England, in thus invading his do minions,—and offered him battle on the succeeding Friday, if he would be content to remain so long in England and accept it. Lord Thomas Howard added a message informing the king that, as high-admiral, and one who had borne a personal share in the action against Andrew Barton, he was now ready to justify the death of that pirate, for which purpose he would lead the vanguard, where his enemies, from whom he expected as little mercy as he meant to grant them, would be sure to find him. To this challenge James instantly replied that “he de sired nothing more earnestly than the encounter, and would abide the battle on the day appointed.” As to the ac cusation of broken honour, which had been brought against him, he desired his herald to carry a broad denial of the statement. “ Our bond and pro mise,” he observed, “ was to remain true to our royal brother, so long as he maintained his faith with us. This he was the first to break; we have de sired redress, and have been denied it; we have warned him of our intended hostility,—a courtesy which he has refused to us; and this is our just quarrel, which, with the grace of God,
1 Stow says five thousand. Lord Herbert, one thousand, Kennet, vol. ii. p. 18.
we shall defend.” These mutual mes sages passed on the 4th of September; and on the day appointed, Surrey ad vanced against the enemy. By this time, however, the distress for provi sions, the incessant rains, and the ob stinacy of the king in wasting upon his pleasures, and his observation of the punctilios of chivalry, the hours which might have been spent in active warfare, had created dissatisfaction in the soldiers, many of whom deserted with the booty they had already col lected, so that in a short time the army was much diminished in num bers. To accept the challenge of his adversary, and permit him to appoint a day for the encounter, was contrary to the advice of his best councillors ; and he might have recollected that, in circumstances almost similar, two great masters in war, Douglas and Randolph, had treated a parallel pro posal of Edward the Third with a sar castic refusal. He had the sagacity, however, to change his first encamp ment for a stronger position on the hill of Flodden, one of the last and lowest eminences which detach them selves from the range of the Cheviots; a ground skilfully chosen, inaccessible on both flanks, and defended in front by the river Till, a deep sluggish stream, which wound between the armies.
On advancing and reconnoitring the spot, Surrey, who despaired of being able to attack the Scots without ex posing himself to the probability of defeat, again sent a herald, to re quest the king to descend from the eminence into the plain. He com plained somewhat unreasonably that James had “putte himself into a ground more like a fortress or a camp, than any indifferent field for battle to be taxed; " 2 and hoping to work on the chivalrous spirit of the monarch, hinted that “ such conduct did not sound to his honour; “ but James would not even admit the messenger into his presence. So far all had suc-
2 Letter of Surrey ; published by Ellis, vol. i. pp. 86, 87 ; dated at “ Woolerhaugh, the 7th day of Sept., at five of the clock in the afternoon.”
1513.] JAMES IV. 291
ceeded, and nothing was required on the part of the king but patience. He had chosen an impregnable position, had fulfilled his agreement by abiding the attack of the enemy; and such was the distress of Surrey’s army in a wasted country, that to keep it longer together was impossible. He at tempted, therefore, a decisive mea sure, which would have appeared des perate unless he had reckoned upon the carelessness and inexperience of his opponent. Passing the Till on the 8th of September, he proceeded along some rugged grounds on its east side to Barmoor Wood, about two miles distant from the Scottish position, where he encamped for the night. His march was concealed from the enemy by an eminence on the east of Ford; but that the manoeuvre was exe cuted without observation or interrup tion, evinced a shameful negligence in the Scottish commanders. Early on the morning of the 9th he marched from Barmoor Wood in a north- westerly direction; and then turning suddenly to the eastward, crossed the Till with his vanguard and artillery, which was commanded by Lord Howard, at Twisel bridge, not far from the confluence of the Till and the Tweed, — whilst the rear division, under Surrey in person, passed the river at a ford, about a mile higher up. Whilst these movements were taking place, with a slowness which afforded ample opportunity for a successful attack, the Scottish king remained un accountably passive. His veteran offi cers remonstrated. They shewed him that if he advanced against Surrey, when the enemy were defiling over the bridge with their vanguard sepa rated from the rear, there was every chance of destroying them in detail, and gaining an easy victory. The Earl of Angus, whose age and experience gave great weight to his advice, im plored him either to assault the Eng lish, or to change his position by a re treat, ere it was too late; but his pru dent counsel was only received by a cruel taunt,—“ Angus,” said the king, " if you are afraid, you may go home ; “ a reproach which the spirit of the old
baron could not brook. Bursting into tears, he turned mournfully away, ob serving that his former life might have spared him such a rebuke from the lips of his sovereign. “ My age,” said he, “ renders my body of no ser vice, and my counsel is despised; but I leave my two sons, and the vassals of Douglas in the field : may the result be glorious, and Angus’s foreboding unfounded ! " The army of Surrey was still marching across the bridge, when Borthwick, the master of the artillery, fell on his knees before the king, and earnestly solicited permission to bring his guns to bear upon the columns, which might be then done with the most destructive effect; but James commanded him to desist on peril of his head, declaring that he would meet his antagonist on equal terms in a plain field, and scorned to avail himself of such an advantage. The counsel of Huntly was equally in effectual; the remonstrance of Lord Lindsay of the Byres, a rough warrior, was received by James with such vehe ment indignation, that he threatened on his return to hang him up at his own gate. Time ran on amidst these useless altercations, and the oppor tunity was soon irrecoverable. The last divisions of Surrey’s force had dis entangled themselves from the narrow bridge; the rear had passed the ford; and the earl, marshalling his army with the leisure which his enemy al lowed him, placed his entire line be tween James and his own country. He was thus enabled, by an easy and gradual ascent, which led to Flodden, to march upon the rear of the enemy; and, without losing his advantage for a moment, he advanced against them in full array, his army being divided into two battles, and each battle hav ing two wings.1 On becoming aware of this, the king immediately set fire to the temporary huts and booths of his encampment, and descended the hill, with the object of occupying the eminence on which the village of
1 Original Document in State-paper Office, entitled “ Articles of the Bataill, betwixt the Kyng of Scottis and the Erle of Surrey, in Brankston Field, the 9th day of September."
292 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI.
Brankston is built. His army was divided into five battles, some of which had assumed the form of squares, some of wedges; and all were drawn up in line, about a bowshot distance from each other.1 Their march was con ducted in complete silence; and the clouds of smoke which arose from the burning camp, being driven in the face of the enemy, mutually concealed the armies; so that when the breeze fresh ened, and the misty curtain was with drawn, the two hosts discovered that they were within a quarter of a mile of each other. The arrangement of both armies was simple. The van of the English, which consisted of ten thousand men, divided into a centre and two wings, was led by Lord Thomas Howard; the right wing being in trusted to his brother, Sir Edmund, and the left to Sir Marmaduke Con stable. In the main centre of his host, Surrey himself commanded; the charge of the rear was given to Sir Edward Stanley; and a strong body of horse, under Lord Dacre, formed a reserve. Upon the part of the Scots, the Earls of Home and Huntly led the vanguard or advance; the king the centre, and the Earls of Lennox and Argyle the rear : near which was the reserve, con sisting of the flower of the Lothians, commanded by the Earl of Bothwell. The battle commenced at four in the afternoon by a furious charge of Huntly and Home upon the portion of the English vanguard under Sir Edmund Howard : which, after some resistance, was thrown into confusion, and totally routed. Howard’s banner was beaten down; and he himself escaped with difficulty, falling back on his brother, the admiral’s division. That commander, dreading the conse quences of the defeat, instantly de spatched a messenger to his father, Lord Surrey, entreating him to extend his line with all speed, and strengthen the van by drawing up a part of the centre on its left. The manoeuvre was judicious, but it would have required too long a time to execute it; and at this critical moment, Lord Dacre gal-
1 Gazette of the Battle in the Herald’s Office. Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 456.
loped forward with his cavalry, to the support of the vanguard.2 Nothing could have been more timely than this assistance; he not only checked the career of the Scottish earls, but, being seconded by the intrepid attack of the admiral, drove back the division of Huntly with great slaughter, whilst Home’s men, who were chiefly Bor derers, imagining they had already gained the victory, began to disperse and pillage. Dacre and the admiral then turned their attack against an other portion of the Scottish vanguard, led by the Earls of Crawford and Mon- trose, who met them with levelled spears, and resolutely withstood the charge. Whilst such was the state of things on the right, a desperate con test was carried on between James and the Earl of Surrey in the centre. In his ardour, however, the king forgot that the duties of a commander were distinct from the indiscriminate valour of a knight; he placed himself in the front of his lances and billmen, sur rounded by his nobles, who, whilst they pitied the gallant weakness of such conduct, disdained to leave their sovereign unsupported.3 The first con sequence of this was so furious a charge upon the English centre, that its ranks were broken; and for a while the stan dard of the Earl of Surrey was in dan ger; but by this time Lord Dacre and the admiral had been successful in defeating the division led by Craw ford and Montrose; and wheeling to wards the left, they turned their whole strength against the flank of the Scot tish centre, which wavered under the shock, till the Earl of Bothwell came up with the reserve, and restored the day in this quarter. On the right the divisions led by the Earls of Lennox and Argyle were composed chiefly of the Highlanders and Islemen; the Campbells, Macleans, Macleods, and other hardy clans, who were dreadfully galled by the discharge of the English archers. Unable to reach the enemy with their broadswords and axes, which formed their only weapons, and at no
2 Letter of Lord Dacre, in Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 460. 3 Hall, p. 562.
1513.] JAMES IV. 293
time very amenable to discipline, their squadrons began to run fiercely for ward, eager for closer fight, and thought less of the fatal consequences of break ing their array.1 It was to little pur pose that La Motte and the French officers who were with him attempted by entreaties and blows to restrain them; they neither understood their language nor cared for their violence, but threw themselves sword in hand upon the English. They found, how ever, an enemy in Sir Edward Stanley, whose coolness was not to be surprised in this manner. The squares of Eng lish pikemen stood to their ground; and although for a moment the shock of the mountaineers was terrible, its force once sustained became spent with its own violence, and nothing remained but a disorganisation so complete that to recover their ranks was impossible. The consequence was a total rout of the right wing of the Scots, accom panied by a dreadful slaughter, in which, amid other brave men, the Earls of Lennox and Argyle were slain. Yet, notwithstanding this defeat on the right, the centre, under the king, still maintained an obstinate and dubi ous conflict with the Earl of Surrey. The determined personal valour of James, imprudent as it was, had the effect of rousing to a pitch of desperate courage the meanest of the private soldiers, and the ground becoming soft and slippery from blood, they pulled off their boots and shoes, and secured a firmer footing by fighting in their hose. No quarter was given on either side; and the combatants were disput ing every inch of ground, when Stan ley, without losing his time in pursuit of the Highlanders, drew back his divi sion, and impetuously charged the rear of the Scottish centre. It was now late in the evening, and this movement was decisive. Pressed on the flank by Dacre and the admiral, opposed in front by Surrey, and now attacked in the rear by Stanley, the king’s battle fought with fearful odds against it; yet James continued by his voice and his gestures to animate his soldiers, and the contest was still uncertain 1 Buchanan, xiii. 38.
when he fell pierced with an arrow, and mortally wounded in the head by a bill, within a few paces from the English earl, his antagonist. The death of their sovereign seemed only to animate the fury of the Scottish nobles, who threw themselves into a circle round the body, and defended it till darkness separated the combatants. At this time Surrey was uncertain of the result of the battle, the remains of the enemy’s centre still held the field; Home with his Borderers hovered on the left, and the commander wisely allowed neither pursuit nor plunder, but drew off his men, and kept a strict watch during the night. When the morning broke, the Scottish artillery were seen standing deserted on the side of the hill, their defenders had disappeared, and the earl ordered thanks to be given for a victory which was no longer doubtful. He then created forty knights on the field, and permitted Lord Dacre to follow the retreat; yet, even after all this, a body of the Scots appeared unbroken upon a hill, and were about to charge the lord admiral, when they were com pelled to leave their position by a dis charge of the English ordnance.2 The soldiers then ransacked the camp, and seized the artillery which had been abandoned. It consisted of seventeen cannon, of various shapes and dimen sions, amongst which were six guns admirable for their fabric and beauty, named by the late monarch the Six Sisters, which Surrey boasted were longer and larger than any in the ar senal of the King of England. The loss of the Scots in this fatal battle amounted to about ten thousand men.3 Of these a great proportion were of high rank ; the remainder being com posed of the gentry, the farmers, and landed yeomanry, who disdained to fly when their sovereign and his nobles lay stretched in heaps around them. Amongst the slain were thirteen earls —Crawford, Montrose, Huntly, Len nox, Argyle, Errol, Athole, Morton,
2 Hall, in Weber’s Flodden Field, p. 364.
3 Original Gazette of the battle preserved in the Herald’s Office, London. Apud Pin- kerton, vol. ii. p. 456.
294 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. [Chap. VI
Cassillis, Bothwell, Rothes, Caithness, and Glencairn, the king’s natural son, the Archbishop of St Andrews, who had been educated abroad by Erasmus, the Bishops of Caithness and the Isles, the Abbots of Inchaffray and Kilwin- ning, and the Dean of Glasgow. To these we must add fifteen lords and chiefs of clans : amongst whom were Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurcha, Lauchlan Maclean of Dowart, Camp bell of Lawers, and five peers’ eldest sons, besides La Motte, the French ambassador, and the secretary of the king. The names of the gentry who fell are too numerous for recapitula tion, since there were few families of note in Scotland which did not lose one relative or another, whilst some houses had to weep the death of all. It is from this cause that the sensa tions of sorrow and national lamenta tion occasioned by the defeat were peculiarly poignant and lasting; so that to this day few Scotsmen can hear the name of Flodden without a shudder of gloomy regret.1 The body of James was found on the morrow amongst the thickest of the slain, and recognised by Lord Dacre, although much disfigured by wounds. It was carried to Berwick, and ultimately interred at Richmond.2 In Scotland, however, the affection of the people for their monarch led them to disbelieve the account of his death; it was well known that several of his nobles had worn in the battle a dress similar to the king’s; and to this we may probably trace a report that James had been seen alive after his defeat. Many long and fondly believed that, in completion of a religious vow, he had travelled to Jerusalem, and would re turn to claim the crown.3
1 See Notes and Illustrations, letter X.
2 Weever’s Funeral Monuments, p. 181.
3 Godwin in his Annals, p. 22, mentions, “ That when James’s body was found, his neck was opened in the middle with a wide wound, his left hand, almost cut off in two places, did scarce hang to his arm, and the archers had shot him in many places of his body.” The sword and dagger of the unfortunate monarch are to be seen at this day preserved in the College of Arms in London, and have been engraved by the late Mr Weber as a frontis piece to the battle of “Flodden Field,” an ancient poem published by that author.
The causes which led to this defeat are of easy detection, and must be traced chiefly to the king himself. His obstinacy rendered him deaf to the advice of his officers, and his ignorance of war made his individual judgment the most dangerous guide. The days which he wasted in the siege of Nor ham and Etal, or squandered at Ford, gave his enemy time to concentrate his army, and, when the hosts were in sight of each other, he committed an other error in permitting Surrey to dictate to him the terms on which they were to engage. A third blunder was the neglect of attacking the Eng lish in crossing the river, and his ob stinacy in not employing his artillery, which might have broken and destroyed the enemy in detail, and rendered their defeat when in confusion comparatively easy. Last of all, James’s thoughtless ness in the battle was as conspicuous as his want of judgment before it. When Surrey, mindful of his duty, kept himself as much as possible out of the deadly brunt of the conflict, and was able to watch its progress, and to give each division his prompt assist ance, the Scottish monarch acted the part of Richard or Amadis, more soli citous for the display of his individual bravery and prowess, than anxious for the defeat of the enemy. It was a gallant but a fatal weakness, which cannot be sufficiently condemned; dearly expiated, indeed, by the death of the unfortunate prince himself, whose fate, some may think, ought to defend him from such severity of cen sure ; but when we consider the flood of noble and of honest blood which was poured out at Flodden, and the long train of national misfortunes which this disaster entailed upon the country, it is right that the miseries of unne cessary warfare, and the folly of a thirst for individual glory, should be pointed out for the admonition of future ages.
The character of this monarch may be sufficiently understood by the his tory which has been given of his reign; and it is pleasing, in running over its most prominent features, to exchange censure for applause. His energy, firm
1513.] JAMES V. 295
ness, and indefatigable activity in the administration of justice; his zeal for the encouragement of the useful arts; his introduction of the machinery of law and justice into the northern dis tricts and the dominions of the Isles; his encouragement of the commerce and the agriculture of the country; his construction of a naval power; his provision for increasing the means of national defence by casting artillery, building forts, and opening by his fleet a communication with the remotest parts of his kingdom, were all worthy of high praise : whilst his kindness of heart, and accessibility to the lowest classes of his subjects, rendered him deservedly beloved. His weaknesses
were, a too anxious desire for popu larity, an extravagant love of amuse ment, and a criminal profusion of expenditure upon pleasures which di minished his respectability in the eyes of his subjects, and injured them by the contagion of bad example. He was slain in the forty-second year of his age, leaving an only son, an infant, who succeeded him by the title of James the Fifth. His natural chil dren, by various mothers of noble blood as well as ’of homely lineage, were numerous; and some of them who have hitherto escaped the research of the antiquary may be traced in the manuscript records of the high-trea surer.
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