CHAPTER II.
JOHN BALIOL,

1292—1305.

Edward’s scheme for the subjugation
of Scotland was not yet completed ;
but all had hitherto succeeded to his
wishes. He had procured the acknow­
ledgment of a claim of superiority over
that kingdom, which, if Baliol should
refuse to become the creature of his
ambition, gave him a specious title to
compel obedience as Lord Paramount.
By holding out the prospect of a crown
to the various competitors, and by
many rich grants of estates and sal­
aries to the prelates and the nobility,
he had succeeded in securing them to
his interest;³ and if any feelings of

¹  Rymer, vol. ii. p. 591.

²  Fordun a Hearne, p. 967.

³  This appears from the Rotuli Scotiæ, vol.
i. p. 24, et passim. He gave the Bishop of

indignation, any spirit of ancient free­
dom and resistance, remained, the ap­
parent hopelessness of fighting for a
country which seemed to have deserted
itself, and against a prince of so great
a military genius as Edward, effectually
stifled it for the present.

Baliol had scarce taken possession
of his kingdom when an event occurred

Glasgow an obligation to bestow on him lands
to the annual value of £100. To James the
Steward, lands of the same annual value.

Annual value.
To Patrick, earl of Dunbar, Lands of £100
To John de Soulis,                Lands of 100 mks.

To William Sinclair,             Lands of 100 mks.

To Patrick de Graham, Lands of 100 mks.
To William de Soulis,          Lands of £100

All these persons were to have lands of the
subjoined value, “ Si contingat Regnum Regi
et heredibus suis remanere.” Edward after­
wards changed his plan, and gave these barons
and prelates gratifications in money, or other
value. But to John Comyn, the King of Eng­
land gave the large sum of £1563, 14s. 6½d.—
Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. i. p. 17, 6th January 1292.
He took care, however, to reimburse himself
by keeping the wards, marriages, and other
items of the revenue, which had fallen to the
Scottish crown during the interregnum, as
may be seen from many places in the Rotuli
Scotiæ.

1292-93.1                                     JOHN BALIOL.                                                39

which recalled him to a sense of his
miserable subjection, and brought out
the character of Edward in all its
severity. It had been a special pro­
vision of the treaty of Brigham, that
no Scottish subject was to be com­
pelled to answer in any criminal or civil
suit, without the bounds of the king­
dom ; but, in the face of this, Roger
Bartholomew, a citizen of Berwick,
entered an appeal to the King of Eng­
land, from a judgment of those regents
whom he had appointed in Scotland
during the interregnum. Baliol was not
slow to remind Edward of his solemn
promise to observe the laws and usages
of Scotland; and he earnestly protested
against withdrawing any pleas from
that kingdom to the courts of Eng­
land.¹ To this Edward replied, that
he had in every article religiously
observed his promise ; but that when
complaints were brought against his
own ministers, who held their com­
missions from him as Sovereign Lord
of Scotland, it was he alone who could
have cognisance of them, nor had his
subjects therein any right to interpose.
He then, with that air of apparent im­
partiality which he often threw over
his aggressions, required the opinion
of some of the ablest Scottish prelates
and judges, with regard to the law and
custom of their kingdom in one of the
cases brought before him; and com­
manded his council to decide accord­
ing to the judgment which they de­
livered.² Irritated, however, by being
reminded of the treaty of Brigham,
he openly declared, by his justiciary
Brabazon, that although, during the
vacancy of the kingdom of Scotland,
he had been induced to make promises
which suited the time, now when the
nation was ruled by a king, he did not
intend to be bound by them, to the
effect of excluding complaints brought
before him from that kingdom, or of
preventing him from dispensing jus­
tice and exercising the rights of his
sovereign dominion, according to his
power and pleasure. To give the
greater weight to this imperious an­
nouncement, the King of England

¹ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 596^.
2 Ryley’s Placita, p. 145.

summoned Baliol and his principal
prelates and nobles into his privy
chamber at Newcastle, and there made
Brabazon repeat his resolutions upon
the matter in question; after which,
Edward himself rose up, and, in the
French language, spoke to the same
tenor. “ These are my firm determi­
nations,” said he, “ with regard to all
complaints or appeals brought before
me from Scotland; nor will I be
bound by any former promises or con­
cessions made to the contrary. I am
little careful by what deeds or instru­
ments they may be ratified; I shall
exercise that Superiority and direct
dominion which I hold over the king­
dom of Scotland, when and where I
please; nor will I hesitate, if necessary,
to summon the King of Scotland him­
self into my presence within the king­
dom of England.”³

Baliol’s spirit sunk under this de­
claration; and he, and the Scottish
nobility then in his train, pusillani-
mously consented to buy their peace
with Edward by a renunciation of all
stipulations regarding the laws and
liberties of Scotland which had been
made in the treaty of Brigham, and
which, so long as they continued in
force, convicted the King of England
of a flagrant disregard of his oath,
formerly so solemnly pledged. On
this being agreed to, Edward ordered
the public records and ancient histori­
cal muniments of the kingdom, which
had formerly been transmitted from
Edinburgh to Roxburgh, to be de­
livered to the King of Scotland. He
also, out of special favour, commanded
possession of the Isle of Man to be
given to him; ⁴ and, softened by these
concessions, Baliol returned to his
kingdom. But it was only to experi­
ence fresh mortification, and to feel all
the miseries of subjection.

The policy of Edward towards Scot­
land and its new king was at once
artful and insulting. He treated every
assumption of independent sovereignty

³ Rymer, Foed. vol. ii. p. 597. Tyrrel’s
England, vol. in. p. 74.

⁴ Edward, in 1290, when Margaret was
alive, had taken under his protection her
kingdom of Man, at the request of its inhabi­
tants.—Rymer, vol. ii. p. 492.

40                                      HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                        [Chap. II.

with rigour and contempt, and lost no
opportunity of summoning Baliol to
answer before him to the complaints
brought against his government; he
encouraged his subjects to offer these
complaints by scrupulously administer­
ing justice according to the laws and
customs of Scotland; and he distri­
buted lands, pensions, and presents,
with well-judged munificence, amongst
the prelates and the nobility. The King
of Scotland possessed large estates both
in England and Normandy; and in all
the rights and privileges connected
with them he found Edward certainly
not a severe, almost an indulgent,
superior. To Baliol the vassal he was
uniformly lenient and just :¹ to Baliol
the king he was proud and unbending
to the last degree. An example of
this soon occurred.

The Earl of Fife died, leaving his
son Duncan a minor, and the earldom
to the protection of the Bishop of St
Andrews. Macduff, the grand-uncle
of Duncan, then seized it; but being
ejected by the bishop, on complaining
to Edward, was, at the king’s com­
mand, restored io his estates by the
sentence of the Scottish regents. When
Baliol held his first parliament at
Scone,² Maccduff was summoned to
answer for his having taken forcible
possession of lands, which, since the
death of the last Earl of Fife, were in
the custody of the king. He attempted
a defence; but being found guilty,
suffered a short imprisonment. On
his release, he was not slow to carry
his appeal to the King of England;
and Edward immediately summoned
Baliol to answer in person before him
to the allegations of Macduff.³ To
this order Baliol paid no regard, and
Edward again commanded him to ap­
pear. This was not all. He procured
his parliament to pass some regula­
tions regarding the attendance of the
King of Scots, which, from their ex­
treme severity, seem to have been
expressly intended to exasperate this
monarch, who found that, in every

¹ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 635.

²  Winton, vol. ii. p. 73.

³  Rymer, Fœdera, vol. ii. p. 606. Fordun
a Hearne, p. 963.

case of appeal, he was not only to be
dragged in as a party, but that his
personal attendance was to be rigidly
exacted. The first was a grievous, the
last an intolerable burden, to which
no one with even the name of a king
could long submit.⁴

Meanwhile, dissembling his chagrin,
he appeared in the English parliament
held after Michaelmas, where Macduff
was also present. When the cause of
this baron noble came on, Baliol was
asked what defence he had to offer.
“ I am,” said he, “ the King of Scot­
land. To the complaint of Macduff,
or to any matters respecting my king­
dom, I dare not make an answer with­
out the advice of my people.” “What
means this refusal ? “ cried Edward.
“Are you not my liegeman,—have you
not done homage to me,—is it not my
summons that brings you here ? “ To
this impetuous interrogation the Scot­
tish monarch firmly answered, “ Where
the business respects my kingdom, I
neither dare, nor can answer, in this
place, without the advice of my
people.”⁵ An artful proposal was
then made by Edward, that, in order
to consult with his people, he should
adjourn giving his final reply to a
future day ; but this he peremptorily
declined, declaring that he would
neither name a day nor consent to an
adjournment. Under these circum­
stances, the English parliament pro­
ceeded to pronounce judgment. They
declared that the King of Scotland was
guilty of open contempt and disobe­
dience. He had, they said, offered no
defence, but made a reply which went
to elude and weaken the jurisdiction
of his liege lord, in whose court as a
vassal he had claimed the crown of
Scotland. In consequence of which
they advised the King of England, not
only to do full justice to Macduff, and
to award damages against Baliol, but,
as a punishment for his feudal delin­
quency, to seize three of his principal
castles in Scotland, to remain in the
hands of the English monarch until
he should make satisfaction for the

⁴ Ryley’s Placita, p. 151. Hailes’ Annals,
vol. i. p. 227^.
5 Ryley’s Placita, p. 158.

1293-96.]                                      JOHN BALIOL.                                                41

injury offered to his lord superior^.1
Before this judgment of the parlia-
ment was publicly made known,
Baliol presented himself to Edward,
and thus addressed him : “ My lord,
I am your liegeman for the king-
dom of Scotland; and I entreat you
that, as the matters wherewith, you
now are occupied concern the people
of my kingdom no less than myself,
you will delay their consideration
until I have consulted with them, lest
I be surprised from want of advice;
and this the more especially, as those
now with me neither will, nor dare
give me their opinion, without consult-
ing with the Estates of the kingdom.
After having advised with them, I
will, in your first parliament after
Easter, report the result, and perform
what is my duty.”

It was evident that the resolutions
of the parliament were unnecessarily
violent, and could not have been
carried into effect without the presence
of an army in Scotland. The King of
England, aware of this, and dreading
to excite a rebellion, for which he was
not then prepared, listened to the
demand of Baliol, and delayed all pro­
ceedings until the day after the Feast
of the Trinity, in 1294.²

Not long after this, Edward, who
was a vassal of the King of France for
the duchy of Aquitaine, became in
volved with his lord superior, in a
quarrel similar to that between him­
self and Baliol. A fleet of English
vessels, belonging to the Cinque Ports,
had encountered and plundered some
French merchant ships; and Philip
demanded immediate and ample satis­
faction for the aggression. As he
dreaded a war with France, Edward
proposed to investigate, by commis­
sioners, the causes of quarrel; but
this seemed too slow a process to the
irritated feelings of the French king;
and, exerting his rights as lord supe­
rior, he summoned Edward to appear
in his court at Paris, and there answer,
as his vassal, for the injuries which he
had committed. This order was, of

¹ Prynne’s Edward I., pp. 537, 554.

² Ryley’s Placita, pp. 152, 160. Prynne’s
Edward I., p. 554.

course, little heeded; upon which
Philip, sitting on his throne, gave sen­
tence against the English king; pro­
nounced him contumacious, and
directed his territories in France to
be seized, as forfeited to the crown.³
Edward soon after renounced his alle­
giance as a vassal of Philip; and, with
the advice of his parliament, declared
war against France.

To assist him in this war, he sum­
moned Baliol, and others of the most
powerful of the Scottish nobles, to
attend him in person with their armed
vassals; but his insolent and over­
bearing conduct had entirely disgusted
the Scots. They treated his summons
with scorn; and, instead of arming
their vassals for his assistance, they
assembled a parliament at Scone.⁴
Its first step was, under the pretence
of diminishing the public charges, to
dismiss all Englishmen from Baliol’s
court; and having thus got rid of
such troublesome spies upon their
measures, they engaged in a treaty of
alliance with France,⁵ and determined
upon war with Edward. Many estates
in Scotland were at this time held by
English barons, and many also of the
most powerful of the Scottish nobility
possessed lands in England. Anxious
for a general union against the com­
mon enemy, the Scottish estates in
the hands of English barons were for­
feited, and their proprietors banished ;
while those Scottish nobles who re­
mained faithful to Edward had their
lands seized and forfeited.⁶ In this
way Robert Bruce lost his rich lord­
ship of Annandale. It was given to
John Comyn, earl of Buchan, who
instantly assumed the rights of a pro­
prietor, and took possession of its
castle of Lochmaben—an injury which,
in that fierce age, could never be for­
gotten.

Edward, although enraged at the
conduct of the Scottish parliament,
and meditating a deep revenge, was at
this time harassed by a rebellion of

³  Tyrrel's England, vol. iii. p. 79. Prynne’s
Edward I., pp. 583, 584.

⁴  Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 153.

⁵  Rymer, vol. ii. p. 695.

⁶ Hemingford, p. 83, vol. i. Hailes, vol. i.
p. 240.

42                                      HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                        [Chap. II.

the Welsh, and a war with France.
Dissimulation and policy were the
weapons to which he had recourse,
whilst he employed the interval which
he gained in sowing dissension among
the Scottish nobles, and collecting an
army for the punishment of their
rebellion. To Bruce, the son of the
competitor for the crown, whose mind
was irritated by the recent forfeiture
of his estates, he affected uncommon
friendship; regretted his decision in
favour of the now rebellious Baliol;
declared his determination to place
him on the throne, of which the present
king had shewn himself unworthy;
and directed him to inform his nume­
rous and powerful friends in Scotland
of this resolution.¹ Bruce either
trusted to the promises, or was intimi­
dated by the power of Edward. Be­
sides this, Comyn, earl of Buchan, who
now mainly directed the Scottish
councils, was his enemy, and held
violent possession of his lordship of
Annandale. To join with him was
impossible ; and accordingly this
powerful baron and his son, after­
wards king, with Dunbar, earl of
March, and Umfraville, earl of Angus,
repaired to Edward, and renewed to
him their oaths of homage.² The un­
decided character of Baliol was ill
calculated to remove this disunion
amongst the Scottish nobles; and the
party who then ruled in the Scottish
parliament, dreading a submission
upon the part of their king, secluded
him from all power, confined him in
a mountain fortress, and placed the
management of affairs in the hands of
twelve of the leading nobles.³

The measures adopted by these
guardians were decided and spirited.
They, in the name of the King of
Scots, drew up an instrument, re­
nouncing all fealty and allegiance to
Edward, on account of the many and
grievous injuries committed upon his
rights and property as King of Scot­
land.⁴ They despatched ambassadors
to France, who concluded a treaty of

¹ Fordun a Hearne, p. 971^.
2 Hemingford, vol. i. p. 102^.
3 Math. Westminster, p. 425^.
4 Fordun a Hearne, p. 969.

marriage and alliance, by which the
niece of Philip, daughter of Charles,
count of Valois, was to be united to
the eldest son of Baliol⁵—the French
king engaging to assist the Scots with
troops kept at his own charges; and
they assembled an army under the
command of Comyn, earl of Buchan,
which invaded Cumberland.⁶ This
expedition, however, returned without
honour, having been repulsed in an
attempt to storm Carlisle.

Nothing could be more favourable
for Edward than the miserably dis­
united state of Scotland. He knew
that three powerful factions divided
the country, and hindered that firm
political union without which, against
such an enemy, no successful opposi­
tion could be made. Bruce, and his
numerous and powerful followers, ad­
hered to England. The friends of
Baliol, and that part of the nation
which recognised him for their sove­
reign, beheld him a captive in one of
his own fortresses, and refused to join
the rebels who had imprisoned him;
and the party of Comyn, which had
invaded England, were either so desti­
tute of military talent, or so divided
amongst themselves, that a handful of
the citizens of Carlisle compelled them
to retreat with loss into their own
country. These advantages, the result
of his own able and artful policy, were
easily perceived by the King of Eng­
land. It was now his time for action,
and for inflicting that vengeance upon
his enemies, which, with this monarch,
the longer it was delayed was generally
the more sure and terrible. He as­
sembled a numerous and well appoint­
ed army. It consisted of thirty thou­
sand foot, and four thousand heavy-
armed horse. He was joined by Beck,
the warlike Bishop of Durham, at the
head of a thousand foot and five hun­
dred horse; and with this combined
force, and the two sacred banners of
St John of Beverley and St Cuthbert
of Durham carried before the army,⁷

⁵ Fœdera, vol. ii. p. G96.

⁶ Hemingford, p. 87. Trivet, p. 288.

⁷ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 732. Prynne’s Edward
I., p. 667. Anthony Beck was a prelate,
whose state and magnificence were exceeded
only by his sovereign. His ordinary personal

1296.]                                          JOHN BALIOL.                                                 43

he marched towards Scotland. It ap­
pears that some time before this
Edward had thought proper to grant
a prolongation of the term agreed on
for the decision of the question of
Macduff, and had required Baliol to
attend him as his vassal at Newcastle-
upon-Tyne.¹ On arriving there, he
summoned the King of Scotland ; and
after waiting a few days for his ap­
pearance, advanced to the eastern
border, and crossed the Tweed with
his main army below the Nunnery of
Coldstream. On the same day the
Bishop of Durham forded the river at
Norham ; and the whole army, march­
ing along the Scottish side, came be­
fore the town of Berwick, then in the
hands of the Scots.²

Edward was determined, at all
sacrifices, to make himself master of
this city. It was celebrated for the
riches and the power of its merchants;
and the extent of its foreign com­
merce, in the opinion of a contem­
porary English historian, entitled it to
the name of another Alexandria.³ It
was protected only by a strong dyke,
but its adjacent castle was of great
strength, and its garrison had made
themselves obnoxious to the king, by
plundering some English merchant
ships which had unsuspiciously en­
tered the port. The king summoned
it to surrender, and offered it terms of
accommodation, which, after two days’
consideration, were refused. Edward,
upon this, did not immediately pro­
ceed to storm, but drew back his army
to a field near a nunnery, about a mile
from the town, and where, from the
nature of the ground, he could more
easily conceal his dispositions for the
attack. He then despatched a large
division, with orders to assault the
town, choosing a line of march which
concealed them from the citizens; and
he commanded his fleet to enter the
river at the same moment that the
great body of the army, led by him-

suite consisted of a hundred and forty
knights.—Hutchinson’s History of the County
Palatine of Durham, p. 239^.
1 Prynne’s Edward I., p. 537.

² Hemingford, p. 89.

³ Torfæus, book i. chap, xxxii. Chron. of
Lanercost, a Stevenson, pp. 162, 185.

self, were ready to storm.⁴ The
Scottish garrison fiercely assaulted the
ships, burnt three of them, and com­
pelled the rest to retire ;⁵ but they, in
their turn, were driven back by the
fury of the land attack. Edward
himself, mounted on horseback,⁶ was
the first who leaped the dyke; and
the soldiers, animated by the example
and presence of their king, carried
everything before them. All the
horrors of a rich and populous city
sacked by an inflamed soldiery, and a
commander thirsting for vengeance,
now succeeded. Seventeen thousand
persons,⁷ without distinction of age or
sex, were put to the sword; and for
I two days the city ran with blood like
a river. The churches, to which the
miserable inhabitants had fled for
sanctuary, were violated and defiled
with blood, spoiled of their sacred
ornaments, and turned into stables for
the English cavalry,⁸

In the midst of this massacre a fine
trait of fidelity occurred. The Flem­
ings at this period carried on a lucra­
tive and extensive trade with Scotland,
and their principal factory was estab­
lished in Berwick. It was a strong
building, called the Red-hall, which,
by their charter, they were bound to
defend to the last extremity against
the English. True to their engage­
ments, thirty of these brave merchants
held out the place against the whole
English army. Night came, and still
it was not taken. Irritated by this
obstinate courage, the English set it on
fire, and buried its faithful defenders
in the burning ruins.⁹ The massacre
of Berwick, which took place on Good
Friday, was a terrible example of the
vengeance which Edward was ready
to inflict upon his enemies. Its plun­
der enriched his army, and it never
recovered its commercial importance

⁴ Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 159. Heming-
ford, vol. i. p. 90^.
5 Herningford, p. 90.

⁶ Langtoft’s Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 272. His
horse’s name, we learn from this Chronicle,
was Bayard^.
7 Knighton, apud Twysden, p. 2480^.
8 Fordun, book xi. chap. liv. lv^.
9 Hemingford, vol. i. p. 91, Hailes’ An
nals, vol. i. p. 236.

44                                      HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                        [Chap. II.

and prosperity. Sir William Douglas,
who commanded the castle, after a
short defence surrendered, and swore
fealty to the King of England; and its
garrison, after taking an oath not to
bear arms against that country, were
allowed to march out with military
honours.¹

Whilst Edward remained at Ber­
wick, engaged in throwing up new
fortifications against future attacks,
Henry, abbot of Arbroath, attended by
three of his monks, appeared at his
court, and delivered to him the instru­
ment containing Baliol’s renunciation
of his homage. “ You have,” said the
Scottish king, “wantonly summoned
me to your courts; you have com­
mitted grievous outrages and robberies
upon my subjects, both by sea and
land ; you have seized my castles and
estates in England, killed and im­
prisoned my subjects, and the mer­
chants of my realm ; and when I de­
manded a redress of these injuries,
you have invaded my dominions at
the head of a vast army, with the
purpose of depriving me of my crown;
and have cruelly ravished the land.
Wherefore, I renounce that fealty and
homage which have been extorted
from me ; and do resolve openly to
oppose myself, in defence of my king­
dom, against Edward of England.”²

Edward received this letter with
angry contempt. “ The senseless
traitor!” said he; “of what folly is
he guilty! But since he will not
come to us, we will go to him ! “³

Enraged at the dreadful vengeance
inflicted on Berwick, the Scottish
army, under the Earls of Ross, Men-
teith, and Athole, made a second in­
road into England; and, imitating the
example of Edward, with merciless
severity ravaged Redesdale and Tyne-
dale, carrying away a great booty, and
sparing neither sex nor age.⁴ The
flames of towns and villages, and the

¹ Hemingford, vol. i. p. 91.

²  Fœdera, vol. ii. p. 707. Fordun a Hearne,
p. 969.

³  Ha ce fol felon, tel folie fet! sil ne voult
venir a nous, nous viendrons a lui.—Fordun
a Hearne, p. 969.

⁴ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 887. Trivet p. 291.
Peter Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 273.

ashes of the ancient monasteries of
Lanercost and Hexham, marked their
destructive progress ; but the ven­
geance of the Scots was short-lived,
and their plans unconnected. That of
their enemy was the very opposite : it
was deep-laid in its plans, simultane­
ous in its movements, and remorseless
in its contemplation of consequences.

The castle of Dunbar was at this
time one of the strongest, and, by its
situation, most important in Scotland.
Its lord, Patrick, earl of Dunbar, served
in the army of Edward; but his wife,
the countess, who held the castle, and
hated the English, entered into a secret
negotiation with the Scottish leaders
for its delivery into the hands of her
countrymen. The Earls of Ross,
Athole, and Menteith, the barons John
Comyn, William St Clair, Richard Se-
ward, and John de Mowbray, with
thirty-one knights and a strong force,
threw themselves into the place; and,
assisted by the countess, easily expelled
the few soldiers who remained faithful
to England.⁵ On being informed of
this loss, Edward determined upon re­
covering it at all hazards ; and for this
purpose despatched the Earl of Surrey
with ten thousand foot and a thousand
heavy-armed horse. When summoned
by Warrene, the garrison agreed to
Surrender, unless relieved within three
days; and the Scots, anxious to retain
so important a place, led on the whole
of their army, and possessed them­
selves of a strong and excellent posi­
tion on the high ground above Dun-
bar. Forty thousand foot, and fifteen
hundred horse, encamped on the
heights near Spot; and, confident of
rescue, the garrison of the castle in
suited the English from the walls, as
if already beaten.⁶

On the first appearance of the Scot­
tish army, Surrey steadily advanced to
attack it. On approaching the high
ground, it was necessary to deploy
through a valley; and the Scots im­
agined they observed some confusion
in the English ranks when executing

⁵ Walsingham, p. 67. This happened on
St Martin’s day.

⁶ Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 165. Heming-
ford, vol. i. p. 95.

1296.1                                          JOHN BALIOL.                                                 45

this movement. Mistaking this for
flight, they precipitately abandoned
their strong position on the hills, and
rushed down with shouts upon the
enemy. Meanwhile, before the lines
could meet, the English earl had ex­
tricated himself from the valley, and
formed into compact order. The Scots,
ruined, as they had often been, by
their temerity, perceived their fatal
error when it was too late. Instead of
an enemy in flight, they found an army
under perfect discipline, advancing
upon their broken and disordered
columns ; and having in vain endea­
voured to regain their ranks, after a
short resistance they were completely
routed. Three hundred and fifty years
after this, Cromwell, on the same
ground, defeated the army of the Scot­
tish Covenanters, which occupied the
same admirable position, and with
equal folly and precipitancy deserted
it. Surrey’s victory was. complete,
and for the time decided the fate of
Scotland. Ten thousand men fell on
the field or in the pursuit. Sir Patrick
de Graham, one of the noblest and
wisest of the Scottish barons, dis­
dained to ask for quarter, and was
slain in circumstances which extorted
the praise of the enemy.¹ A great
multitude, including the principal of
the Scottish nobility, were taken pri­
soners ; and next day, the King of
England coming in person with the
rest of his army before Dunbar, the
castle surrendered at discretion. The
Earls of Athole, Ross, and Menteith,
with four barons, seventy knights, and
many other brave men, submitted to
the mercy of the conqueror.²

All the prisoners of rank were im­
mediately sent in chains to England,
where they were for the present com­
mitted to close confinement in different
Welsh and English castles.³ After
some time, the king compelled them
to attend him in his wars in France;
but even this partial liberty was not
allowed them till their sons were deli­
vered into his hands as hostages.⁴

¹ Hemingford, vol. i. p. 96. Fordun a
Hearne, p. 974.

² Scala Chronicle, p. 123.

³ Peter Langtoft, Chron. p. 278.

⁴ Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. i. sub Ed. I. 25, p. 44 ;

Edward was not slow to follow up
the advantages which this important
success had given him. Returning
from Lothian, he sat down before the
castle of Roxburgh, which was surren­
dered to him by James, the Steward
of Scotland, who not only swore fealty
and abjured the French alliance,⁵ but
prevailed upon many others of the
Scottish nobility to forsake a struggle
which was deemed desperate, and to
submit to England. It was at his in­
stigation that Ingeram de Umfraville
surrendered the castle of Dumbarton,⁶
and gave up to Edward his daughters,
Eva and Isobel, as hostages. Soon
after, the strong fortress of Jedburgh
was yielded to his mercy;⁷ and his
victorious army being reinforced by a
body of fifteen thousand men from
Wales, he was enabled to send home
that part of his English force which
had suffered most from fatigue in this
expedition.

With these fresh levies he advanced
to Edinburgh, made himself master of
the castle after a siege of eight days ;⁸
passed rapidly to Stirling, which he
found abandoned ; and while there,
the Earl of Ulster, with a new army of
thirty thousand foot and four hundred
horse, came to join the king, and com­
plete the triumph of the English arms.
The monarch continued his progress
without opposition to Perth, where he
halted to keep the feast of the nativity
of John the Baptist, with circum­
stances of high feudal solemnity, re­
galing his friends, creating new
knights, and solacing himself and his
barons. In the midst of these rejoic­
ings, messengers arrived from the un­
happy Baliol announcing his submis­
sion, and imploring peace.⁹ Edward
disdained to treat with him in person,
but informed him that he intended,
within fifteen days, to advance to
Brechin, and that on Baliol’s repairing
to the castle there, the Bishop of Dur­
ham would announce the decision of

where a great many of the names of the
prisoners will he found.

⁵  Prynne’s Edward 1., p. 649.

⁶  Rotuli Scotiæ, 22 Ed. I., memb. 8 dorso.

⁷  Rymer, Foed. vol. ii. pp. 714, 716^.
8 Hemingford, vol. i. P. 98.

⁹ Ibid.

46                                      HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                        [Chap. II.

his lord superior. This was none other
than that of an absolute resignation of
himself and his kingdom to the mercy
of his conqueror; to which Baliol,
now the mere shadow of a king, with­
out a crown, an army, or a nobility,
dejectedly submitted. In presence of
the Bishop of Durham and the barons
of England, he was first stript of his
royal robes; after which they spoiled
him of his crown and sceptre, and
compelled him, standing as a criminal,
with a white rod in his hand, to per­
form a humiliating feudal penance.¹
He confessed that, misled by evil
counsel and his own weakness, he had
grievously offended his liege lord; he
recapitulated his various transgres­
sions, his league with France, and his
hostilities against England; he acknow­
ledged the justice of the invasion of
his kingdom by Edward, in vindication
of his violated rights; and three days
after this, in the castle of Brechin, he
resigned his kingdom of Scotland, its
people, and their homage, into the
hands of his liege lord, Edward, of his
own free will and consent.² After
this humiliating ceremony, Baliol de­
livered his eldest son, Edward, to the
King of England, as a hostage for his
future fidelity; and this youth, along
with his discrowned father, were soon
after sent by sea to London, where
they remained for three years in con­
finement in the Tower.³

Thus ended the miserable and in­
glorious reign of John Baliol, a prince
whose good dispositions might have
insured him a happier fate, had he
been opposed to a less terrible and
ambitious enemy than Edward the
First; or had the courage and spirit,
in which he was not deficient, been
seconded by the efforts of a united
nobility. But Edward, with a policy
not dissimilar to that which we have
adopted in our Eastern dominions, had

¹ Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 167. Winton,
vol. ii. p. 88.

² Prynne’s Edward L, pp. 650, 651. See
Notes and Illustrations, letter F.

³ Langtoft, Chron. vol. ii. p. 280. Speak-
ing of Baliol—

First he was king, now is he soudioure,
And is at other spendyng bonden in the
Toure.

Succeeded in preventing all union
amongst the most powerful Scottish
barons, by arraying their private and
selfish ambition against the love of
their country; by sowing dissension in
their councils, richly rewarding their
treachery, and treating with unmiti­
gated severity those who dared to love
and defend the liberty of Scotland;
and Baliol’s character was not of that
high stamp which could unite such
base and discordant materials, or
baffle a policy so deep and a power so
overwhelming.

INTERREGNUM.

The spirit of the Scottish people was
for the time completely broken; and
Edward, as he continued his expedi­
tion from Perth to Aberdeen, and from
thence to Elgin in Moray, did not ex­
perience a single check in his progress;
while most of the Scottish barons who
had escaped death or imprisonment
crowded in to renounce the French
alliance, and renew their oaths of
fealty. On his return from the north
to hold his parliament at Berwick, in
passing the ancient Abbey of Scone,
he took with him the famous and fatal
stone upon which, for many ages, the
Scottish kings had been crowned and
anointed. This, considered by the
Scots as their national palladium,
along with the Scottish sceptre and
crown, the English monarch placed in
the cathedral of Westminster, as an
offering to Edward the Confessor, and
a memorial of what he deemed his
absolute conquest of Scotland ;⁴ a con­
quest, however, which, before a single
year had elapsed, was entirely wrested
from his hands.

Edward was desirous of annihilat­
ing everything which could preserve
the patriotic feeling of the country
which he had overrun. With this ob­
ject, when at Scone, he mutilated the
ancient chartulary of that abbey, the
historical notices in which were per-

⁴ Fordun a Goodal, book xi. chap. xxv. vol.
ii. p. 166. Hemingford, vol. i. pp. 37, 100.

1296-97.]                                     INTERREGNUM.                                              47

haps fatal to his pretended claim of
superiority, carrying off some of its
charters, and tearing the seals.¹ Our
historians affirm, that in his progress
he industriously sought out and de­
stroyed every monument connected
with the antiquity and independ­
ence of the nation. The character of
Edward, and his conduct at Scone,
give great probability to the asser­
tion.²

On the 28th of August, the king
held his parliament at Berwick, for
the purpose of receiving the fealty of
the clergy and laity of Scotland.
Multitudes of Scotsmen of all ranks
resorted to him—earls, barons, knights,
and esquires. The terror of his arms;
the well-known severity of his temper,
which made imprisonment and the
immediate confiscation of their estates
the consequence of their refusal; the
example of their nobility, who now
felt, too late for remedy, the sad effect
of their dissensions, all combined to
render this submission to Edward a
measure as unanimous as it was humi­
liating ; and the oaths of homage, the
renunciation of the French alliance,
and the names of the vassals, which
fill thirty-five skins of parchment, are
still preserved amongst the English
archives.³

After the battle of Dunbar, Bruce,
earl of Carrick, who was then in the
service of England, reminded Edward
of his promise to place him on the
throne. “ Have I nothing to do,”
said the haughty monarch, “but to
conquer kingdoms for you ? “ Judging
it probably a more befitting occupa­
tion, the King of England empowered
the Earl of Carrick, and his son the
younger Bruce, to receive to his peace
the inhabitants of their own lands of
Carrick and Annandale.⁴ How little
did he then think, that the youthful
baron, employed under his royal com­
mission in this degrading office, was

¹ Chart, Scon. f. 26, quoted by Hailes, vol.
i. p. 243.

² Innes’s Critical Essay on the Ancient
Inhabitants of Scotland, pp. 554, 555. See
Notes and Illustrations, letter G.

³  Ragman Rolls, printed by Bannatyne
Club, 1834.

⁴  Rymer, Fœdera, vol. ii. p. 714.

destined to wrest from him his con­
quest, and to become the restorer of
the freedom of his country !

Edward next directed his attention
to the settlement of his new dominions;
and the measures which he adopted
for this purpose were equally politic
and just. He commanded the sheriffs
of the several counties in Scotland to
restore to the clergy their forfeited
lands; and he granted to the Scottish
bishops for ever the privilege of be­
queathing their effects by will, as fully
as the right was enjoyed by the pre­
lates of England. The widows of
those barons whose husbands had died
before the French alliance, and who
had not since then been married to
the king’s enemies, were faithfully re­
stored to their estates; but, effectually
to secure their allegiance, the English
Guardian of Scotland was permitted,
at his option, to take possession of the
castles and strengths upon their lands.
He even assigned pensions to the wives
of many of his Scottish prisoners; and
few of those who held office under the
unfortunate Baliol were dispossessed.
The jurisdictions of Scotland were
suffered to remain with those who
possessed them, under ancient and
hereditary titles ; no wanton or un­
necessary act of rigour was committed,
no capricious changes introduced, yet
all means were adopted to give security
to his conquest. John Warrene, earl
of Surrey, was made Guardian of Scot­
land; Hugh de Cressingham, Treasurer;
and William Ormesby, Justiciary.
Henry de Percy, nephew of Warrene,
was appointed keeper of the county of
Galloway, and the sheriffdom of Ayr;
the castles of Roxburgh, Berwick,
Jedburgh, and Edinburgh, were com­
mitted to English captains; a new
seal, in place of the ancient Great Seal
of Scotland, surrendered by Baliol and
broken into pieces at Brechin, was
placed in the hands of Walter de Ag-
mondesham, an English chancellor;
and an Exchequer for receiving the
king’s rents and taxes was instituted
at Berwick, on the model of that at
Westminster.⁵

⁵ Madox, Hist, of Exchequer, p. 550. Ro-
tuli Scotiæ, vol. i. pp. 29, 35.

43                                      HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                        [Chap. II.

PERIOD OF WALLACE.

Edward had scarcely made this settle­
ment of Scotland, and set out for his
own dominions, when he found that,
instead of the acclamations due to a
conqueror, he was to be received at
home with the lowering countenances
of discontent and rebellion. He had
incurred a heavy expense in his Scot­
tish expedition, and he was now an­
xious to carry on with vigour his war
with France; but the clergy of Eng­
land, headed by a proud and firm pre­
late, Winchelsea, archbishop of Canter­
bury, demurred as to the supplies
which he demanded ; and a powerful
party of the barons, led by the Con­
stable and the Marshal of England,
refusing to pass over into France,
indignantly retired from parliament,
with a great body of their armed re­
tainers.

These discontents in England en­
couraged the people of Scotland to
rise against their English oppressors.
Although deserted by their nobility,
a spirit of determined hatred against
England was strongly manifested by
the great body of the nation. Through­
out the whole country, numerous
bands of armed peasants infested the
highways, and in contempt of govern­
ment plundered the English, and laid
waste their lands. Their numbers in­
creased, and their Successes soon be­
came alarming. They besieged the
castles garrisoned by the English, took
prisoners, committed all kinds of ra­
pine and homicide; and the impression
made upon the mind of Edward may
be judged of by a letter still remain­
ing, addressed to his treasurer Cres-
singham, commanding him not to
scruple to spend the whole money in
his exchequer to put down these
violent disorders.¹

The patriotic principle which seems
at this time to have entirely deserted
the highest ranks of the Scottish nobles,
whose selfish dissensions had brought
ruin and bondage upon their country,
still burned pure in the breasts of
these broken men and rebels, as they
¹ Rotuli Scotiæ, 25 Ed. I., vol. i. p. 42.

are termed by Edward. The lesser
barons, being less contaminated by the
money and intrigues of England, pre­
served also the healthy and honest
feelings of national independence; and
it happened that at this time, and out
of this middle class of the lesser barons,
arose an extraordinary individual, who,
at first driven into the field by a desire
to avenge his individual injuries, with­
in a short period of time, in the re-
conquest of his native country, de­
veloped a character which may, with­
out exaggeration, be termed heroic.
This was William Wallace, or Walays,
the second son of Sir Malcolm Wallace
of Ellerslie, near Paisley, a knight,
whose family was ancient, but neither
rich nor noble.² In those days bodily
strength and knightly prowess were of
the highest consequence in command­
ing respect and insuring success.
Wallace had an iron frame. His
make, as he grew up to manhood,
approached almost to the gigantic;
and his personal strength was superior
to the common run of even the strong­
est men. His passions were hasty and
violent; a strong hatred to the Eng­
lish, who now insolently lorded it over
Scotland, began to shew itself at a very
early period of his life ; and this aver­
sion was fostered in the youth by an
uncle, a priest, who, deploring the
calamities of his country, was never
weary of extolling the sweets of liberty,
and lamenting the miseries of depend­
ence.³

The state of national feeling in Scot­
land, at this time, has been already
described; and it is evident that the
repressing of a rising spirit of resist­
ance, which began so strongly to shew
itself, required a judicious union of
firmness, gentleness, and moderation.
Upon the part of the English all this
was wanting. Warrene, the governor,
had, on account of ill health, retired
to the north of England. Cressingham,
the treasurer, was a proud, ignorant
ecclesiastic. Edward, before he de­
parted, had left orders that all who

² Winton’s Chron. vol. ii. p. 91, book viii.
chap. xiii. Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 169.

³ Fordun a Goodal. book xii. chap. iii. vol.
ii. p. 223.

1297.]                                 PERIOD OF WALLACE.                                         49

had not yet taken the oath of fealty,
including not only the lesser barons,
but the burghers and inferior gentry,
should be compelled to do so under
severe penalties, exacted by military
force; and Ormesby, the justiciary,
had excited deep and general odium,
by the intolerable rigour with which
these penalties were extorted.

The intrepid temper of Wallace ap­
pears first to have shewn itself in a
quarrel, in the town of Lanark, with
some of the English officers who in­
sulted him. This led to bloodshed ;
and he would have been overpowered
and slain in the streets had it not
been for the interference of his mis­
tress, to whose house he fled, and by
whose assistance he escaped to the
neighbouring woods. In a spirit of
cruel and unmanly revenge, Hislop,
the English sheriff, attacked the house,
and put her to death ; for which he
was himself assaulted and slain by
Wallace.¹ The consequence of this
was to him the same as to many
others, who at this time preferred a
life of dangerous freedom to the in­
dulgence and security of submission.²
He was proclaimed a traitor, banished
his home, and driven to seek his safety
in the wilds and fastnesses of his coun­
try. It was here that he collected by
degrees a little band, composed at first
of a few brave men of desperate for­
tunes, who had forsworn their vassal­
age to their lords, and refused submis­
sion to Edward, and who at first carried
on that predatory warfare against the
English, to which they were impelled
as well by the desire of plunder, and
the necessity of subsistence, as by the
love of liberty. These men chose
Wallace for their chief. Superior rank
—for as yet none of the nobility or
barons had joined them—his uncom­
mon courage and personal strength,
and his unconquerable thirst of ven­
geance against the English, naturally
influenced their choice, and the result
proved how well it had fallen. His
plans were laid with so much judg­
ment, that in his first attacks against

¹ Winton, vol. ii. p. 95, book viii. chap,
xiii. Fordun a Hearne, p. 978^.
2 Triveti Annales, p. 299.
VOL. I.

straggling parties of the English he was
generally successful; and if surprised
by unexpected numbers, his superior
strength and bravery, and the ardour
with which he inspired his followers,
enabled them to overpower every effort
which was made against them.

To him these early and desultory
excursions against the enemy were
highly useful, as he became acquaint­
ed with the strongest passes of his
country, and acquired habits of com­
mand over men of fierce and turbu­
lent spirits. To them the advantage
was reciprocal, for they began gra­
dually to feel an undoubting confi­
dence in their leader; they were
accustomed to rapid marches, to en­
dure fatigue and privation, to be on
their guard against surprise, to feel
the effects of discipline and obedience,
and by the successes which these in­
sured, to regard with contempt the
nation by whom they had allowed
themselves to be overcome.

The consequences of these partial
advantages over the enemy were soon
seen. At first few had dared to unite
themselves to so desperate a band.
But confidence came with success, and
numbers flocked to the standard of
revolt. The continued oppressions of
the English, the desire of revenge, and
even the romantic and perilous nature
of the undertaking, recruited the ranks
of Wallace, and he was soon at the
head of a great body of Scottish exiles.³

When it was known that this brave
man had raised open banner against
the English, Sir William Douglas,⁴
who had been taken by Edward at the
siege of Berwick, and restored to his
liberty, upon swearing fealty, disre­
garding his oath, joined the Scot­
tish force with his numerous vassals.
Ormesby, the English justiciary, was
at this time holding his court at
Scone; and Surrey, the guardian, had
gone to attend the English parlia­
ment. Wallace, by a rapid march,

³ Hemingford, vol. i. p. 118. Triveti
Annales, p. 299.

⁴ This William Douglas was, according to
Hume of Godscroft, the seventh Lord Douglas.
He was called William the Hardy, or Long-
leg. Hume’s Hist, of House of Douglas and
Angus vol. i. p. 32.

D

50                                     HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                         [Chap. IT.

surprised the justiciary, dispersed
his followers, and, whilst he himself
escaped with the greatest difficulty,
took a rich booty and many prisoners^.1
This exploit giving new confidence to
their little army, they more openly
and boldly ravaged the country, and
put all Englishmen to the sword. As
circumstances allowed, they either
acted together, or engaged in separate
expeditions. Whilst Wallace marched
into Lennox, the castles of Disdeir and
Sanquhar were taken by Douglas; and
when their united strength afterwards
broke in upon the west of Scotland,
they were joined by some of the most
powerful of the Scottish nobility.
The Steward of Scotland, and his
brother, Sir Andrew Moray of Both-
well, Alexander de Lindesay, and Sir
Richard Lundin, with a spirited pre­
late, Wishart, bishop of Glasgow, were
amongst the number.²

Their united forces, led by the
military skill and animated by the
personal intrepidity of Wallace, con­
tinued to be successful in repeated
attacks upon the English ; and these
successes were frequently followed, as
was to be expected, by many circum­
stances of cruelty and violence. Their
revenge seems especially to have been
directed against the English ecclesi­
astics who were possessed of Scottish
livings. A public edict, passed by the
Scottish Estates in 1296, had banished
these intruders from Scotland; and
this edict Wallace, it is said, improved
upon with a refinement in cruelty.
Some aged priests, and it is even
asserted, although almost too horrid
to believe, some helpless women, had
their hands tied behind their backs,
and in this helpless state were thrown
from high Bridges into rivers, their
dying agonies affording sport to their
merciless captors.³

The conduct of the younger Bruce,
afterwards the heroic Robert the First,
was at this period vacillating and
inconsistent. His large possessions
in Carrick and Annandale made him

¹ Triveti Annales, p. 299.

²  Hailes, vol. i. p. 246.

³  Hen. Knighton, p. 2514, apud Twysden,
vol. i. Raynaldi, Cont. Baronii, vol. iv. p. 66.

master of an immense tract of country,
extending from the Firth of Clyde to
the Solway; and the number of armed
vassals which his summons could call
into the field would have formed an.
invaluable accession to the insurgents.
His power caused him to be narrowly
watched by England; and as his incon­
stant character became suspected by
the Wardens of the Western Marches,
they summoned him to treat on the
affairs of his master the king at Car­
lisle, Bruce, not daring to disobey,
resorted thither with a numerous at­
tendance of his friends, and was com­
pelled to make oath on the consecrated
host, and the sword of Thomas à
Becket, that he would continue faith­
ful to the cause of Edward. To give
a proof of his fidelity, he ravaged
the estates of Sir William Douglas,
then with Wallace, seized his wife and
children, and carried them into Annan-
dale. Having thus defeated suspicion,
and saved his lands, he privately as­
sembled his father’s retainers; talked
lightly of an extorted oath, from which
the Pope would absolve him; and
urged them to follow him, and join
the brave men who had taken arms
against the English. This, however,
they refused, probably because their
master and overlord, the elder Bruce,
was then with Edward. Robert, how­
ever, nothing moved by the disap­
pointment, collected his own tenants,
marched to join Wallace, and openly
took arms against the English.⁴

The news of this rebellion reached
the King of England as he was pre­
paring to sail for Flanders. He at first
disregarded it; and as many of the
most powerful of the Scottish nobles
were then either prisoners in England,
or in attendance upon himself, and
ready to embark for the Continent,
he was easily persuaded that it would
be instantly put down by the autho­
rity of the governor. Anthony Beck,
however, the martial bishop of Dur­
ham, was despatched in great haste
into Scotland; and Edward finding,
from his account, that the revolt was
of a serious nature, commanded the

⁴ Hemingford, vol. i. p. 120. Knighton, p.
2514.

1297.1                          PERIOD OF WALLACE.                               51

Earl of Surrey to call forth the military
force on the north of the Trent, and,
without delay, to reduce the insurgents.¹
This, however, was no easy matter.
Surrey sent his nephew, Henry Percy,
before him into Scotland, at the head
of an army of forty thousand foot, and
three hundred armed horse. Percy
marched through Annandale to Loch-
maben, where, during the night, his
encampment was suddenly attacked by
the Scots with great fury. It was very
dark, and Percy’s men knew not where
to rally. In this emergency they set
fire to the wooden houses where they
lay, and, guided to their banners by
the blaze, repulsed the enemy, and
marched towards Ayr,² for the pur­
pose of receiving the men of Gallo­
way to the peace of the king. It
was here told them that the Scot­
tish army was not four miles distant;
and Percy, having struck his tents,
advanced at the first break of the
morning to Irvine, and soon discovered
their squadrons drawn up nearly op­
posite to him, on the border of a small
lake. This force, which equalled the
English in foot, although inferior in
horse, was sufficient, under able con­
duct, to have given battle to Percy,
but it was enfeebled by dissension
amongst its leaders; and although
Wallace was there to direct them,
the pride of these feudal barons would
not submit to be commanded by him.
Accordingly, most of these chiefs be­
came anxious to negotiate terms for
themselves, and to save their lands.
Sir Richard Lundin, a Scottish knight,
who had till now refused allegiance to
Edward, went over with his followers
to the army of Percy, declaring it to
be folly to remain longer with a party
at variance with itself. At the same
time, Bruce, the Steward of Scotland,
and his brother Alexander de Linde-
say, Sir William Douglas, and the
Bishop of Glasgow, made submission
to Edward, and entreated his forgive­
ness for the robberies and slaughters
which they had committed. An instru­
ment, commemorating this desertion

¹ Hemingford, p. 122. Tyrrel, Hist. Eng.
p. 112, vol. iii^.
2 Hen. Knighton, p. 2515.

of their country, to which their seals
were appended, was drawn up in Nor­
man-French;³ but this brave man
treated all proposals of submission
with high disdain. Although the
greater nobles had deserted the cause,
he knew that many of their vassals
were enthusiastically attached to his
person and fortunes.⁴ He could
muster also a large body of his own
tried and veteran followers ; and put­
ting himself at the head of these, he
retired indignantly to the north. Sir
Andrew Moray of Bothwell was the
only baron who accompanied him.

The conduct of the Scottish nobility,
who had capitulated to Percy, was
irresolute and contradictory. Edward
had accepted their offers of submis­
sion; but although they would not
act in concert with Wallace, whose
successes had now effectually raised
the spirit of the nation, they drew
back from their agreement with Percy,
and delayed the delivery of their
hostages, until security should be
given them for the preservation of the
rights and liberties of their country.
Sir William Douglas and the Bishop
of Glasgow, however, considered that
they were bound to abide by the
capitulation signed at Irvine; and
finding themselves unable to perform
their articles of agreement, they
voluntarily surrendered to the Eng­
lish.⁵ It was the fate of this last-
mentioned prelate to be trusted by
neither party. Wallace, whose pas­
sions were fiery and impetuous,
loudly accused him of treachery, at­
tacked his castle, ravaged his lands,
and led his servants and family cap­
tive ; whilst the King of England de­
clared that, under this surrender of
himself at the castle of Roxburgh, a
purpose was concealed of betraying
that important fortress to the Scots.⁶
Notwithstanding the capitulation of

³ Rymer, Fœdera, dated 9th July 1297, vol.
ii. p. 774. Rymer has read the concluding
sentence of this deed erroneously, as has been
shewn by Sir F. Palgrave. The words which
he prints as “Escrit a Sire Willaume,” are
“ Escrit a Irwine.”

⁴ Hemingford, vol. i. p. 125.

⁵ Ibid. p. 124. Tyrrel, Hist. Eng. vol. iii.
p. 112.

⁶ Hailes’ Annals, vol. i. p. 250.

52                                     HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                         [Chap. II.

Irvine, the spirit of resistance became
soon very general throughout the
northern counties. In Aberdeenshire,
especially, the revolt was serious; and
Edward directed his writs to the
bishop and sheriffs of the county, com­
manding them to punish the rebels
for the murders and robberies which
they had been committing, and to be
on their guard against an intended
attack upon the castle of Urquhart,
then held by William de Warrene.¹

What were the particular successes
of Wallace and his brethren in arms,
during the summer months which
elapsed between the treaty at Irvine
and the battle of Stirling, we have no
authentic memorials to determine.²
That they had the effect of recruiting
his army, and giving him the confi­
dence of the body of the people of
Scotland, is certain; for Knighton, an
old English historian, informs us, “that
the whole followers of the nobility had
attached themselves to him; and that
although the persons of their lords
were with the King of England, their
heart was with Wallace, who found
his army reinforced by so immense a
multitude of the Scots, that the com­
munity of the land obeyed him as their
leader and their prince.”³ Edward,
in the meantime, dissatisfied with the
dilatory conduct of Surrey, in not
sooner putting down a revolt, which
the king’s energetic and confident
spirit caused him to treat too lightly,
superseded him, and appointed Brian
Fitz-Alan governor of Scotland. At the
same time he liberated from their im­
prisonment, in various castles through
England, the Scottish nobles and barons
taken at the battle of Dunbar, and
carried them along with him to Flan­
ders. Their forfeited lands were re­
stored; but to secure their fidelity, the
king compelled their eldest sons to
remain in England as hostages.⁴ Others
of the Scottish nobles, whose fidelity
was less suspected, were permitted to
return home, under a promise of assist­
ing in the reduction and pacification

¹ Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. i. pp. 41, 42.

² From 9th July to 3d September.

³ Knighton, apud Twysden, p. 2516.

⁴ Rotuli Scotiae, pp. 44, 45. Trivet, p. 301.

of the country; and as many of the
most powerful and warlike English
barons as he could spare from his
expedition to Flanders were directed
to repair to Scotland, with all the
horse and foot which they could muster,
and to co-operate with Fitz-Alan and
Surrey.⁵ Having taken these precau­
tions, King Edward passed over to
Flanders on the 22d of August.⁶

It was fortunate for the Scots, that
Warrene, the earl of Surrey, evinced
great remissness in insisting on the
fulfilment of the treaty of Irvine. He
was on bad terms with Cressingham
the treasurer, a proud and violent
Churchman, who preferred the cuirass
to the cassock;⁷ and it is probable
that his being superseded in his go­
vernment of Scotland, and yet com­
manded to remain with the army, was
an indignity which so high a baron
could ill brook.⁸ The consequences of
this inactivity were soon apparent.
The Scottish barons still delayed the
delivery of their hostages, and cau­
tiously awaited the event of the war;
whilst Wallace, at the head of a power­
ful army, having succeeded in expel­
ling the English from the castles of
Forfar, Brechin, Montrose, and nearly
all their strongholds on the north of
the Forth, had just begun the siege of
the castle of Dundee, when he received
intelligence that the English army,
under the command of the Earl of
Surrey, and Cressingham the treasurer,
was on its march to Stirling. Well
acquainted with the country there, his
military skill taught him of what im­
portance it would be to secure the
high ground on the river Forth, above
Cambuskenneth, before Surrey had
passed the bridge at Stirling; and
having commanded the citizens of
Dundee, on pain of death, to continue
the siege of the castle, he marched
with great expedition, and found, to
his satisfaction, that he had antici­
pated the English, so as to give him
time to choose the most favourable

⁵  Rot. Scot. pp. 47, 48. Surrey, although
superseded in the command, remained with
the army.

⁶  Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 120.

⁷  Hemingford, p. 130.

⁸  Rymer, vol. ii. p. 794.

1297.]                                   PERIOD OF WALLACE.                                      53

position for his army, before the co­
lumns of Cressingham and Surrey had
reached the other side of the river.

The nature of the ground concealed
the Scottish army, which amounted
to forty thousand foot, and one hun­
dred and eighty horse. Wallace’s in­
tention was to induce the main body
of the English to pass the bridge, and
to attack them before they had time
to form. Surrey was superior in num­
bers. He commanded a force of fifty
thousand foot soldiers, and one thou­
sand armed horse. Lord Henry Percy
had marched from Carlisle towards
Stirling, with a reinforcement of eight
thousand foot and three hundred horse;
but Cressingham the treasurer, dread­
ing the expense of supporting so great a
force, had, with an ill-judged economy,
given orders for disbanding these suc­
cours, as he considered the army in the
field to be sufficient for the emergency.¹

The Steward of Scotland, the Earl
of Lennox, and others of the Scottish
barons, were at this time with the
English army; and on coming to Stir­
ling, requested Surrey to delay an
attack till they had attempted to bring
Wallace to terms. They soon returned,
and declared that they had failed in
their hopes of pacification, but that
they themselves would join the Eng­
lish force with sixty armed horse. It
was now evening, and the Scottish
barons, in leaving the army, met a
troop of English soldiers returning
from forage. Whether from accident
or design, a skirmish took place be­
tween these two bodies, and the Earl
of Lennox stabbed an English soldier
in the throat. This, of course, raised
a tumult in the camp; a cry arose that
they were betrayed by the Scots; and
there seems to be little doubt that
Lennox and his friends were secretly
negotiating with Wallace, and only
waited for a favourable opportunity of
joining him. Crying out for vengeance,
the English soldiers carried their
wounded comrade before their gene­
ral, and reproached him with having
trusted those who had broken their
faith, and would betray them to the
enemy. “ Stay this one night,” said he^,
1 Hemingford, p. 127.

“ and if to­morrow they do not keep
their promise, you shall have ample
revenge.” He then commanded his sol­
diers to be ready to pass the bridge
next day; and thus, with a carelessness
little worthy of an experienced com­
mander, who had the fate of a great
army dependent on his activity and fore­
sight, he permitted Wallace to tamper
with his countrymen in the English
service ; to become acquainted with the
numbers and array of the English force;
and to adopt, at his leisure, his own
measures for their discomfiture.

Early next day, five thousand foot
and a large body of the Welsh passed
the bridge by sunrise, and soon after
repassed it, on finding that they were
not followed by the rest of the army,
and that the Earl of Surrey was still
asleep in the camp. After an hour the
earl awoke, the army was drawn up,
and as was then usual before any great
battle, many new knights were created,
some of whom were fated to die in
their first field. It was now the time
when the Scottish barons ought to
have joined with their sixty horse;
and Surrey, having looked for them
in vain, commanded the infantry to
cross the bridge. This order was
scarcely given when it was again re­
called, as the Steward of Scotland and
the Earl of Lennox were seen approach­
ing, and it was hoped brought offers of
pacification. But the contrary was the
case. They had failed, they said, in all
their efforts to prevail on the Scottish
army to listen to any proposals, and
had not been able to persuade a single
soldier to desert. As a last resource,
Surrey, who seems to have been aware
of the strong position occupied by the
Scots, and of the danger of crossing the
river, despatched two friars to propose
terms to Wallace, who made this memo­
rable reply :—“ Return to your friends,
and tell them that we came here with
no peaceful intent, but ready for bat­
tle, and determined to avenge our own
wrongs and set our country free. Let
your masters come and attack us; we
areready to meet them beard to beard.”²
Incensed at this cool defiance, the
English presumptuously and eagerly
² Hemingford, vol. i. p. 126

54                                     HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                         [Chap. II.

demanded to be led on; upon which
Sir Richard Lundin, a Scottish knight,
who had gone over to the enemy at
Irvine, anxiously implored them to be
still. “ If,” said he, “ you once attempt
to pass the bridge, you are desperately
throwing away your lives. The men
can only cross two by two. Our ene­
mies command our flank, and in an
instant will be upon us. I know a
ford not far from hence where you
may pass by sixty at a time. Give me
but five hundred horse, and a small
body of foot, I shall turn the enemy’s
flank, whilst you, lord earl, and the
rest of the army, may pass over in
security.” This was the sound advice
of a veteran soldier who knew the
country; but although it convinced
some, it only irritated others, and
among these last, Hugh Cressingham
the treasurer. “ Why, my lord,” cried
he to Surrey, who was prudently hesi­
tating, “ why do we protract the war,
and spend the king’s money ? Let us pass
on as becomes us, and do our duty.”¹

Stung with this reproach, Surrey
weakly submitted his better judgment
to the rashness of this Churchman, and
commanded the army to defile over
the bridge. Sir Marmaduke Twenge,
a knight of great experience and cour­
age, along with Cressingham himself,
led the van; and when nearly the half
of the army had passed the bridge,
perceiving that the Scots kept their
strong ground on the heights, Twenge,
with chivalrous impetuosity, gave or­
ders for a charge, and made the heavy-
armed cavalry spur their horses up the
hill. The consequence of this preci­
pitate movement was fatal to the Eng­
lish. A part of the Scottish army had
by this time made a circuit and pos­
sessed themselves of the foot of the
bridge;² and Wallace, the moment

¹ '' Minim dictu,” exclaims Hemingford, in an
animated reflection on the madness of Surrey’s
conduct, "sed terribile, quid in eventu, quod
tot et tanti discreti viri dum scirent hostes im­
promptu, strictum pontem ascenderint, quod
bini equestres, vix et cum diificultate simul
transire potuerunt.”—Hem., vol. i. p. 128.

² Hemingford, 128. — “ Descenderunt de
monte, et missis viris lanceariis occupaverunt
pedem pontis, ita quod extunc nulli patebat
transitus vel regressus.” See also Walsing-
ham, p. 73.

that he saw the communication be­
tween the van and the rear of the
English force thus cut off, and all re­
treat impossible, rushed rapidly down
from the high ground, and attacking
Twenge and Cressingham, before they
had time to form, threw them into
inextricable disorder. In an instant
all was tumult and confusion. Many
were slain, multitudes of the heavy-
armed horse plunged into the river,
and were drowned in making a vain
effort to rejoin Surrey, who kept on
the other side, a spectator of the dis­
comfiture of the flower of his army.
In the meantime, the standard-bearers
of the king and of the earl, with
another part of the army, passed over,
and shared the fate of their compan­
ions, being instantly cut to pieces. A
spirited scene now took place. Sir
Marmaduke Twenge, on looking round,
perceived that the Scots had seized
the bridge, and that he and his sol­
diers were cut off from the rest of the
army. A knight advised, in this peril­
ous crisis, that they should throw
themselves into the river, and swim
their horses to the opposite bank.
“ What,” cried Twenge, “ volunteer
to drown myself, when I can cut my
way through the midst of them, back
to the bridge ! Never let such foul
slander fall on us ! “ So saying, he put
spurs to his horse, and driving him
into the midst of the enemy, hewed
a passage for himself through the
thickest of the Scottish columns, and
rejoined his friends, with his nephew
and his armour-bearer, in perfect
safety.

Meanwhile the Scots committed a
dreadful slaughter. It is the remark
of the historian Hemingford, who de­
scribes this victory of Stirling from
the information of eye-witnesses, that
in all Scotland there could not be
found a place better fitted for the de­
feat of a powerful army by a handful
of men, than the ground which Wal­
lace had chosen.³ Multitudes perished
in the river; and as the confusion and
slaughter increased, and the entire de­
feat of the English became inevitable,
the Earl of Lennox and the Steward
³ Hemingford. vol. i. p. 128.

1297.]                             PERIOD OF WALLACE.                                    55

of Scotland, who, although allies of
the King of England, were secretly
in treaty with Wallace, threw off the
mask, and led a body of their followers
to destroy and plunder the flying
English. Surrey, on being joined by
Sir Marmaduke Twenge, remained no
longer on the field; but having hastily
ordered him to occupy the castle of
Stirling, which he promised to relieve
in ten days, he rode, without drawing
bridle, to Berwick : a clear proof of
the total defeat of the powerful army
which he had led into Scotland. From
Berwick he proceeded to join the Prince
of Wales in the south, and left the
country which had been intrusted to
him exposed to ravage and desolation.
Although the English historians re­
strict the loss of soldiers in this fatal
and important battle to five thou­
sand foot, and a hundred heavy-armed
horse,¹ it is probable that nearly one
half of the English army was cut to
pieces, and Cressingham the treasurer
was amongst the first who fell. Hem­
ingford allows that the plunder which
fell into the hands of the Scots was
very great, and that waggons were
filled with the spoils. Smarting under
the cruelty and rapacity with which
they had been treated by the English,
the Scots were not slow now to take
their revenge, nor was Wallace of a
temper to restrain his soldiers. Few
prisoners seem to have fallen into
their hands, and the slaughter was
general and indiscriminate. So deep
was the detestation in which the char­
acter of Cressingham was regarded,
that his dead body was mangled, the
skin torn from the limbs, and in savage
triumph cut into pieces.²

¹ So say Hemingford and Knighton. But
Trivet, p. 307, and Walsingham, p. 73, assert,
that before the half of the English army had
passed, the Scots attacked and put almost
all of them to the sword. Now the English
army consisted of fifty thousand foot and one
thousand horse. Hemingford, p. 127. See
Notes and Illustrations, letter H.

² Triveti Ann. p. 307. Hemingford, p.
130. The Chron. Lanercost, p. 190, says
that Wallace ordered as much of his skin to
be taken off as would make a sword belt.
This is the origin of the stories of Abercromby,
vol. i. p. 631, that the Scots made girths of
his skin, and of others that they made saddles
of it. Hailes, vol. i. p. 252.

The decisive nature of the defeat is,
perhaps, most apparent from the im­
portant consequences which attended
it. To use the words of Knighton,
“ this awful beginning of hostilities
roused the spirit of Scotland, and sunk
the hearts of the English.” ³ Dundee
immediately surrendered to Wallace,
and rewarded his army by a rich
booty of arms and money. In a short
time not a fortress or castle in Scot­
land remained in the hands of Edward.
The castles of Edinburgh and Rox­
burgh were dismantled; and Berwick,
upon the advance of the Scottish army,
having been hastily abandoned, Wal­
lace sent Henry de Haliburton, a Scot­
tish knight, to occupy this important
frontier town.⁴ Thus, by the efforts
of a single man, not only unassisted,
but actually thwarted and opposed by
the nobility of the country, was the
iron power of Edward completely
broken, and Scotland once more able
to lift her head among free nations.

A dreadful dearth and famine, no un-
frequent accompaniment of the ravages
of war, now fell severely upon the
country; and Wallace, profiting by
the panic inspired by his victory at
Stirling, resolved upon an immediate
expedition into England.⁵ To enable
his own people to lay in, against the
time of scarcity, the provisions which
would otherwise be consumed by his
numerous army, and to support his
soldiers during the winter months in
an enemy’s country, were wise ob­
jects. Previous, however, to his march­
ing into England, he commanded that
from every county, barony, town, and
village, a certain proportion of the
fighting men, between sixteen and
sixty, should be levied. These levies,
however, even after so decisive a vic­
tory as that of Stirling, were tardily
made. The vassals of Scotland, tied
up by the rigid fetters of the feudal
law, could not join Wallace without
the authority of their overlords; and
as most of the Scottish nobility had
left hostages for their fidelity in the
hands of Edward, and many of them

³ Hen. Knighton, p. 2519.

⁴ Scala Chronicon, a Stevenson, p. 124.

⁵ Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 172.

56                                      HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                        [Chap. II.

possessed great estates in England,
which, upon joining Wallace, would
have immediately been forfeited, they
did not yet dare to take the field
against the English. A jealousy, too,
of the high military renown and great
popularity of Wallace prevented all
cordial co-operation ; and the contempt
with which this deliverer of his coun­
try must have regarded the nobility,
who yet sheltered themselves under
the protection of Edward, was not
calculated to allay this feeling. The
battle of Stirling was fought on the
11th of September; and on the 25th
of that month the English govern­
ment, alarmed at the success of Wal­
lace, sent letters to the principal
Scottish nobility, praising them for
their fidelity to the king ; informing
them that they were aware the Earl
of Surrey was on his way to England,
(a delicate way of noticing the flight of
Warrene from Stirling;) and directing
them to join Brian Fitz-Alan, the go­
vernor of Scotland, with all their horse
and foot, in order to put down the re­
bellion of the Scots. The only nobles
with whom the English government
did not communicate were the Earls
of Caithness, Ross, Mar, Athole, Fife,
and Carrick. Fife, however, was a
minor; the others, we may presume,
had by this time joined the party of
Wallace.¹

The great majority of the nobles
being still against him, this intrepid
leader found it difficult to procure
new levies, and was constrained to
adopt severe measures against all who
were refractory. Gibbets were erected
in each barony and county town; and
some burgesses of Aberdeen, who had
disobeyed the summons, were hanged.²
After this example he soon found him­
self at the head of a numerous army ;
and having taken with him, as his

¹ John Comyn of Badenoeli; Patrick, earl
of Dunbar; Umfraville, earl of Angus; Alex­
ander, earl of Menteith; Malise, earl of
Strathern; James, the Steward of Scotland ;
John Comyn, earl of Buchan; Malcolm, earl
of Lennox; and William, earl of Sutherland ;
Nicholas de la Haye; Ingelram de Umfraville;
Richard Fraser, and Alexander de Lindesay,
were the nobles written to by the English
government. Rotuli Scot. vol. i. p. 49.

² Fordun a Goodal. vol. ii. p. 172,

partner in command, Sir Andrew
Moray of Bothwell, then a young
soldier of great promise, and after­
wards regent of the kingdom, he
marched towards the north of Eng­
land, and threatened Northumber­
land.³ Such was the terror inspired
by the approach of the Scots, that
the whole population of this county,
with their wives and children, their
cattle and household goods, deserted
their dwellings, and took refuge in
Newcastle. The Scots, to whom plun­
der was a principal object, delayed
their advance; and the Northum­
brians, imagining the danger to be
over, returned home; but Wallace,
informed of this by his scouts, made
a rapid march across the border, and
dreadfully ravished the two counties
of Cumberland and Northumberland,
carrying off an immense booty, and
having the head­quarters of his army
in the forest of Rothebury. “ At this
time,” says Hemingford, “the praise
of God was unheard in any church
and monastery through the whole
country, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne
to the gates of Carlisle ; for the monks,
canons regular, and other priests, who
were ministers of the Lord, fled, with
the whole people, from the face of the
enemy; nor was there any to oppose
them, except that now and then a few
English, who belonged to the castle of
Alnwick, and other strengths, ven-
tured from their safeholds, and slew
some stragglers. But these were
slight successes; and the Scots roved
over the country from the Feast of St
Luke to St Martin’s day,⁴ inflicting
upon it all the miseries of unrestrained
rapine and bloodshed.” ⁵

After this, Wallace assembled his
whole army, and proceeded in his de­
structive march to Carlisle. He did
not deem it prudent, however, to
attack this city, which was strongly
garrisoned; and contented himself
with laying waste Cumberland and
Annandale, from Inglewood forest
to Derwentwater and Cockermouth.⁶

³ Hemingford, vol. i. p. 131.

⁴  From 18th Oct. to 11th Nov.

⁵  Hemingford, vol. i. p. 132.

⁶  Fordun a Hearne, p. 980.

1297-98.1                             PERIOD OF WALLACE.                                       57

It was next determined to invade the
county of Durham, which would have
been easily accomplished, as three
thousand foot and a hundred armed
horse were all that could be mustered
for its defence. But the winter now
set in with great severity. The frost
was so intense, and the scarcity of
provisions so grievous, that multi­
tudes of the Scots perished by cold
or famine, and Wallace commanded a
retreat. On returning to Hexham,
where there was a rich monastery,
which had already been plundered
and deserted on the advance, a strik­
ing scene occurred. Three monks
were seen in the solitary monastery.
Thinking that the tide of war had
passed over, they had crept back, to
repair the ravages they had left, when
suddenly they saw the army return­
ing, and fled in terror into a little
chapel. In a moment the Scottish
soldiers with their long lances were
upon them, calling, on peril of their
lives, to shew them the treasures of
their monastery. “ Alas! " said one of
the monks, “it is but a short time
since you yourselves have seized our
whole property, and you know best
where it now is.” At this moment
Wallace himself came into the chapel,
and, commanding his soldiers to be
silent, requested one of the canons to
celebrate mass. The monk obeyed,
and Wallace, all armed as he was, and
surrounded by his soldiers, reverently
attended. When it came to the eleva­
tion of the host, he stepped out of the
chapel to cast off his helmet and lay
aside his arms, but in this short ab­
sence the fury and avarice of his sol­
diers broke out. They pressed on the
priest, snatched the chalice from the
altar, tore away its ornaments and the
sacred vestments, and even stole the
missal in which the service had been
begun. When their master returned,
he found the priest in horror and dis­
may, and gave orders that the sacri­
legious wretches who had committed
the outrage should be sought for and
put to death. Meanwhile he took the
canons under his protection. “ Re­
main with me,” said he ; “ it is that
alone which can secure you. My sol­

diers are evil disposed. I cannot jus­
tify, and I dare not punish them^.”1
This sacrilegious attack was the more -
unpardonable, as the monastery of Hex-
ham was dedicated to the patron saint
of Scotland, and enjoyed a perpetual
protection from King David. Wal­
lace, to atone for the outrage, granted a
charter of protection to the priory and
convent, by which its lands, men, and
movables, were admitted under the
peace of the king, and all persons inter­
dicted from doing them injury.² The
Scots now advanced to Newcastle, but
finding the garrison prepared to stand
a siege, they contented themselves
with ravaging the adjacent country;
and having collected the booty, they
allotted their part to the Galwegians
who were with the army, and marched
homewards.³

In revenge for this terrible visita­
tion, Lord Robert Clifford collected
the strength of Carlisle and Cum­
berland, and twice invaded Annandale
with an army of twenty thousand foot
and a hundred horse. On passing the
Solway, it was proclaimed by sound
of trumpet that every soldier should
plunder for himself, and keep his own
booty ; on hearing which, the infantry
with undisciplined rapacity dispersed,
and the horse alone remained toge­
ther. In consequence of this, nothing
was effected worthy of so powerful an
army. Three hundred and eight Scots
were slain, ten villages or hamlets
burnt, and a few prisoners taken.
This happened at Christmas. In his
second inroad, the town of Annan,
and the church of Gysborne, were
burnt and plundered.⁴ Annandale
belonged to Robert Bruce; and the
destruction of his lands and villages
determined him once more to desert

¹ Hemingford, vol. i. pp. 133,134. Knighton,
p. 2521.

²  This famous instrument is granted in
name of “Andrew de Moray, and William
Wallace, leaders of the army of Scotland, in
the name of the illustrious prince, John, by
the grace of God, King of Scotland, and with
consent of the Estates of the kingdom.” It
is dated at Hexham, on the 8th of November
1297. Hemingford, p. 135.

³   "Dividentes inter se spolia quæsita, tra-
diderunt Galivalensibus partes suas, et abi-
erunt in loca sua.” Hemingford, p. 136.

⁴ Knighton. p. 2522.

58                                 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.                      [Chap. II.

the English, and join the party of the
patriots.

Soon after his return from his expe­
dition into England, Wallace, in an
assembly held at the Forest Kirk in
Selkirkshire, which was attended by
the Earl of Lennox, William Douglas,
and others of the principal nobility,
was elected Governor of Scotland, in
name of King John, and with con­
sent of the community of Scotland.¹
Strengthened by this high title, which
he had so well deserved, and which
the common people believed was rati­
fied by the express approval of St
Andrew, who presented to the hero a
sacred sword, to be used in his battles
against the English,² he proceeded to
reward his friends and fellow-soldiers,
to punish his enemies; and, despising
the jealousy and desertion of a great
majority of the nobility, to adopt and
enforce those public measures which
he considered necessary for securing
the liberty of the country. He con­
ferred the office of Constable of Dun­
dee upon Alexander Skirmishur, or
Scrimgeour, and his heirs, for his
services in bearing the royal banner of
Scotland.³ By a strict severity, he
restrained the licentiousness of his
soldiers, and endeavoured to introduce
discipline into his army.⁴ In order
to secure a certain proportion of new
levies, at any time when the danger
or exigency of the state required it,
he divided the kingdom into military
districts. In each shire, barony, lord­
ship, town, and burgh, he appointed a
muster-book to be made, of the num­
ber of fighting men which they con­
tained, between the age of sixteen and
sixty;⁵ and from these he drew at

¹ Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 174. Craw­
ford, Hist, of House of Douglas, p. 22, MS.,
quoted in Sir R. Sibbald’s Commentary on the
Relationes Arnaldi Blair.

² Fordun a Goodal, p. 170.

³ This famous grant is dated at Torphiehen,
March 29, 1298 ; apud Anderson, Diplomata
Scotiæ.

⁴ He appointed an officer or sergeant over
every four men, another of higher power over
every nine, another of still higher aut